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WSWS : News
& Analysis : Europe
: The
Balkan Crisis
What does the bombing of Kosovar refugees say about NATO's
"humanitarian" war?
By the Editorial Board
16 April 1999
US and NATO officials acknowledged Thursday that American war
planes had, the previous day, bombed a convoy of ethnic Albanian
refugees in southwestern Kosovo. They continued, however, to deny
that NATO planes had struck a second convoy of refugees and insisted
that the killing of defenseless civilians was a "regrettable"
accident.
Between 64 and 75 Albanian Kosovars were killed and scores
more wounded when NATO jets, operating in broad daylight, made
a series of attacks over a two-hour period on convoys near Djakovic
and Meja. Thursday's partial admission by NATO and US officials
followed a series of denials that they had any responsibility
for the carnage.
The acknowledgments of NATO's role in the bombings were of
a perfunctory character, and combined with declarations that such
horrors were "inevitable," that NATO was bending over
backwards to avoid civilian casualties and that the real culprit
was Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. US and NATO officials
continued to suggest that the Kosovars and even the pilots were
victims of a scheme to use refugees as "human shields,"
and that the second convoy was attacked by Serb warplanes.
US President Bill Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony Blair
declared that the loss of life from Wednesday's bomb assaults
would in no way deter NATO from escalating the air war throughout
Yugoslavia.
Both the atrocities themselves and the reaction of Western
officials to the TV footage of dead and wounded refugees--for
the most part women, children and elderly people seen lying next
to tractors and civilian automobiles--discredit the claims that
the US-NATO war is being conducted for humanitarian purposes.
With Wednesday's bombing, US and allied officials have been
caught red-handed in a series of lies. This is the third time
in the past week that those waging the war have issued false statements
to cover up their responsibility for large-scale civilian casualties,
only to retract them when the physical evidence made their denials
untenable.
Last week Western officials initially denied that NATO missiles
were responsible for the destruction of a housing block in central
Pristina, and tried to claim that the Serbs had somehow orchestrated
the TV images of smashed homes. This was followed by Monday's
strike on a passenger train in southern Serbia, for which NATO
likewise initially denied any responsibility.
The series of fabrications that followed Wednesday's bombing
of the refugees was even more shameless. When reports of the incidents
first emerged, US General Wesley Clark, the NATO supreme commander,
told the Bloomberg news service he had reliable information that
Serb soldiers accompanying one of the convoys had attacked the
Kosovars after a NATO jet bombed a military vehicle.
In Bonn, German Defense Minister Rudolf Scharping declared,
"Everything points to it being Serbian artillery which opened
fire on the refugees and that they then presented it as a NATO
mistake."
Pentagon spokesman Kenneth Bacon repeated Clark's story at
a press briefing Wednesday afternoon and was asked to specify
the evidence cited by Clark for his version of events. Some hours
later Bacon admitted that the evidence did not exist.
Later on Wednesday Bacon announced he had reports from United
Nations officials in Albania that Serb helicopters and jets had
bombed one of the convoys. Bacon said UN officials had gleaned
these reports from refugees who had crossed over into Albania
following the alleged Serb attack. That evening, however, the
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees said her organization
had received no such report.
By Thursday morning the melange of denials and lies had collapsed
and NATO was forced to issue a terse statement saying, "It
appears that one of [NATO's] aircraft mistakenly dropped a bomb
on a civilian vehicle in a convoy yesterday."
The claim that the bombing was an innocent mistake is difficult
to square with the facts. The convoys of tractors and cars were
large. One of them consisted of many thousands of Kosovars. Their
vehicles were loaded with mattresses, bundles of clothing and
other accouterments of civilians in flight. The attacks took place
in early afternoon daylight and the planes were reportedly flying
at low altitudes.
Survivors interviewed after the attacks denied that the convoys
were being used as camouflage for military vehicles, saying Serb
soldiers in the vicinity made no attempt to insert their vehicles
into the line of refugees. One survivor told a Washington Post
reporter that the Serb military vehicles sped away as soon
as the planes were heard overhead.
NATO has acknowledged that an American pilot flying an F-16
dropped a laser bomb on one of the convoys, and has issued a transcript
of his tape-recorded debriefing. The pilot, who has not been identified,
describes spotting 60 vehicles plus three "uniform shaped
dark green vehicles." The presence of these "dark green
vehicles" is the only evidence he cites of the military nature
of the convoy.
This, however, was sufficient "proof" for him to
fire into the lead vehicles and pass on the target coordinates
to another pilot, who followed up with a second strike.
Whatever his precise motivation, the pilot's description of
the attack is a damning refutation of NATO's repeated assurances
that it is taking great pains to avoid hitting civilian targets.
No NATO or allied official has suggested that the pilot's decision
to bomb the convoy violated the terms of engagement established
for the air war. It must therefore be concluded that NATO pilots
have enormous latitude to launch their bombs and missiles, and
that tens of thousands of ordinary civilians are at risk.
As for the allegations that the second convoy, which was struck
in the vicinity of Meja, was bombed by Serb helicopters or jets,
such claims contradict previous assertions that three weeks of
NATO attacks have neutralized Serb air defenses in Kosovo.
On Thursday afternoon Clinton delivered a lengthy policy speech
on the war at a meeting of the American Society of Newspaper Editors
in San Francisco. He expressed the real attitude of US and NATO
leaders toward the ordinary people in Yugoslavia whose lives are
being shattered or terminated--Serb and Albanian alike--by failing
to even mention the previous day's tragedy in his address. Nor
did he bother to note the German proposal for a temporary halt
in the bombing in return for an initial pullback of Serb forces
from Kosovo. Instead he attempted to justify an escalation of
the war on supposed humanitarian grounds.
In his response to a question from the audience on Wednesday's
bombings he barely made a pretense of remorse, stressing that
such "mistakes" were "inevitable," and making
clear that far greater civilian casualties were in the offing.
Shedding his "I feel your pain" posture, Clinton said
matter-of-factly, "You cannot have this kind of conflict
without some errors like this occurring. This is not a business
of perfection."
He went further, suggesting the US intended to set a precedent
in Yugoslavia for the future use of its military power, with the
inevitable "collateral damage," in other parts of the
world. "If anyone thinks that this is a reason for changing
our mission," he declared, "then the United States will
never be able to bring military power to bear again."
Two basic conclusions emerge from the events of the past several
days. First, the repeated resort to unsubstantiated allegations
and outright fabrications by all of the Western governments involved
in the war exposes the cynicism and hypocrisy of the entire enterprise.
Why should any thinking person accept as good coin any claims
made by those who have time and again been caught spreading lies?
Second, the basic lie is the claim that the war is being waged
for humanitarian purposes. The way in which the war was launched--after
issuing an ultimatum to the Serb government that it could not
accept, and without any consideration of the catastrophic consequences
for the Albanian Kosovars--and the way in which the war is being
conducted--with ever-escalating attacks on the socioeconomic foundations
of the country--reflect a cynical disregard for the people.
What might seem a puzzling contradiction--the frequent Western
statements of concern for the ethnic Albanians "trapped"
inside Kosovo, and the brutal bombing of these very people--may
not be so mysterious after all. The Americans and their European
accomplices have good reason to create an atmosphere of terror
in Kosovo, and thereby encourage even more sections of the Albanian
population to flee the province.
As the New York Times military analyst noted on Thursday:
"Indeed, Pentagon and NATO officials have even mused that
the complete expulsion of Albanians from Kosovo would give the
alliance a big military advantage.
"'There would be Serb troops primarily left, and we would
be able to attack them with more precision and more concentration,'
a Pentagon spokesman, Kenneth H. Bacon, said recently."
Even if one were to assume that the bombing of passenger trains
and refugee columns were not premeditated acts, that would not
lessen the responsibility of NATO and the allied governments for
the human misery and social destruction they are causing. When
you start a war, you must assume responsibility for its consequences.
The very methods of this war reveal its reactionary essence.
To tell the truth about the war is not to defend the chauvinist
policies of Milosevic, or lend support to Serb nationalism. It
is to state that this is a war of aggression being carried out
by capitalist great powers, the real aims of which are being concealed
from the masses.
See Also:
As Washington escalates air war
US-NATO jets bomb Kosovan civilians
[15 April 1999]
The US and ethnic cleansing--the case
of Croatia
[15 April 1999]
What would be the consequences of a US
declaration of war on Yugoslavia?
[15 April 1999]
How the Balkan war was prepared
Rambouillet Accord foresaw the occupation of all Yugoslavia
[14 April 1999]
War in
the Balkans
[WSWS Full Coverage]
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