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A damning report on Australian Aboriginal health and welfare
By Linda Tenenbaum
14 August 1999
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More than half the Australian Aboriginal male population and
40 percent of females die before reaching the age of 50, according
to a new report entitled the Health and Welfare of Australia's
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples.
Aboriginal life expectancy for males is around 56.9 years,
compared with 75.2 years for the rest of the population, and 61.7
years for females, as compared to 81.1 years. The death rates
for Aborigines aged 35-54 are, comparatively, the worstaround
6-8 times higher than for their non-Aboriginal counterparts.
The comprehensive report, released jointly last Tuesday by
the Australian Bureau of Statistics and the Australian Institute
of Health and Welfare, paints a bleak and damning picture of poverty,
ill-health and social deprivation suffered by the majority of
Australia's indigenous people.
As a group, Indigenous people are disadvantaged relative
to other Australians with respect to a number of socioeconomic
factors and these disadvantages place them at greater risk of
ill health and reduced wellbeing, the report concludes.
The disadvantage begins at birth and continues through childhood,
adolescence and adulthood to old age.
Comprising just two percent of the population, Aborigines make
up an estimated 12 percent of the homeless, 19 percent of the
prison population, 31 percent of people living in improvised
dwellings", 41 percent of child abuse and neglect cases and
50 percent of inhabitants of dwellings with 10 or more people.
On average, Aboriginal babies are more than twice as likely
to be of low birth weight and to die at birth than babies born
to non-Aboriginal mothers. Aboriginal children are massively over-represented
in the juvenile justice system, with 40 percent of all children
in corrective institutions being of Aboriginal descent.
They are also less likely to finish school or find a job.
The imprisonment rate for adults is 14 times higher than it
is for the non-Indigenous population, while the unemployment rate
is nearly three times higher, around 23 percent, compared to 8
percent in the general population.
The report points out that the lack of rigorous protocols for
data collection from medical centres, hospitals, nursing homes
and clinics presents ongoing difficulties for consistent research.
While the exact extent of indigenous health problems remains unclear,
it concludes that Aborigines are more likely to be hospitalised
for and/or die from conditions which are indicators of mental
illness, such as self-harm, substance misuse and suicidal behaviour.
They are more likely to be at risk of reduced mental and emotional
wellbeing due to such factors as violence, removal from family,
poverty and racism.
On the available evidence, rates of cancer and communicable
diseases, as well as asthma, diabetes and kidney disease are also
significantly higher than in the non-Aboriginal population.
Despite the overwhelming character of these problems, just
over two percent of the Federal government's annual health expenditure
is allocated to Aboriginal health servicesthe same level
of funding per capita as is allocated to the rest of the population.
Even this statistic, however, masks the real level of inequity
in Aboriginal health funding. According to the report, indigenous
people have a greater reliance on public hospitals and community
health services and less on private hospitals, Medicare, the Pharmaceutical
Benefits Scheme (PBS) and nursing homes than the non-Indigenous
population. Medicare and the PBS accounted for over a third (36
percent) of government expenditure on non-Indigenous people, but
just 5 percent of expenditure on Indigenous people.
This is a particularly significant statistic, because it indicates
that many Aboriginal people are effectively barred from access
to subsidised medicines (through the PBS) and to GPs (through
Medicare).
A study carried out by the Health Insurance Commission in 1997
found that between 15 and 20 percent of indigenous people in urban
areas, and up to 40 percent in remote areas had no access to the
PBS or Medicare, because they were not in possession of the relevant
documents. With no proof of identity, they had never been enrolled,
or were not effectively enrolled, in government health schemes.
Moreover government regulations prohibit the provision of the
necessary information to a third party. This means that GPs or
pharmacists confronted with needy patients who lack documentation
cannot obtain permission from the appropriate government authority
to treat such patients. So, due to a lack of English-language
proficiency, or ignorance of official procedures, or insufficient
Aboriginal community workers employed to assist them, large numbers
of Aboriginal people are simply denied access to the most basic
health facilities.
Speaking on ABC radio, following the release of the Health
and Welfare of Australia's Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Peoples report, Sol Bellear, chairman of the New South Wales
Aboriginal Reference Group, laid the blame squarely at the feet
of the Federal government: If these statistics were for
white Australia, not only would there be more money thrown at
it, but Australia by the World Health standards would be declared
a disaster area, an absolute disaster area. And I think that's
what the Federal Government has to do, declare Aboriginal health
in this country a disaster area.
Professor Jan Reid, from the Australian Institute of Health
and Welfare said that the report revealed nothing new. What
we've known for a long time is that Aboriginal health is much
worse along all dimensions than non-Aboriginal health. But I think
that what this report does is to flesh out the dimensions of that.
What [the figures] really show is that governments are
not spending enough money.
No official government response has been forthcoming, and press
reactions have generally been cursory and desultory. Most daily
papers only managed a few paragraphs. Murdoch's the Australian,
on the contrary, dedicated two commentariesan editorial,
and a piece by international editor, Paul Kellyboth arguing
that the report vindicated the position recently taken by Aboriginal
leader and corporate lawyer Noel Pearson, that Aboriginal health
and welfare funding should largely be scrapped.
Pearson is one of a small layer of privileged Aboriginal entrepreneurs
and community leaders whose living standards bear
no comparison to those of the impoverished majority.
Under the title Old policies produce a national disgrace,
the Australian editorial declared: [H]undreds of
millions of dollars, have been administered on a system
of health care delivery that is failing the people it was supposed
to help. Mr Pearson promote[s] self-empowerment and individual
responsibility and call[s] for a reinvigoration of communities
based on real jobs, leadership and entrepreneurial spirit...
According to Murdoch, the disgraceful state of
Aboriginal health is a direct product of the allocation of government
funding, not the paucity of that funding.
Kelly, in his article, approvingly described Pearson's recent
speech to the Brisbane Institute as an assault on progressive'
Aboriginal orthodoxy, an attack on the urban-based political culture
that has shaped policy...
He went on to quote liberally from Pearson's speech. The
welfare economy, stated Pearson, is not a real economy.
It is a completely artificial means of living. Our traditional
economy was a real economy. If you did not hunt and gather, you
starved. The whitefella market economy is also a real economy.
If you do not work, you starve. The market comes bearing down
on people, demanding work."
The assumption behind Pearson's attack on the right to welfare
is that the high level of Aboriginal unemploymentand thus
the dependence of large numbers on welfareis the fault of
Aborigines themselves. They have simply chosen not to work. They
are therefore also to blame for the conditions they confront.
The facts speak otherwise. Not only are many Aborigines denied
access to basic health services, they are denied the right to
a job. According to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander
Commission, a government body, one fifth of all indigenous workers
are engaged in work-for-dole schemes, under the auspices of Community
Development Employment Projects (CDEP). Workers involved in these
schemes are obliged to labour at least three days per week on
community projects, receiving no more than the standard
poverty-level unemployment benefit in return. If these workers
were counted among the unemployed, the real unemployment rate
among Aborigines would be 41 percentnot the officially-recognised
23 percent.
Of those who are employed, relatively few work full-timeonly
60 percent, compared with 72 percent of non-indigenous workers.
The average income for all Aboriginal workers (including those
who work part-time) is some 24 percent less than for non-Aboriginal
employees.
Moreover, the future outlook is even worse. Many Aboriginal
workers have been employed in the Federal or State public sectors
or in Aboriginal community services. These are the areas being
targetted by state and federal governments for downsizing and
restructuring.
While private business ventures, such as those proposed by
Pearson, have seen a few aspiring Aboriginal capitalists prosper,
the Aboriginal workers they employ have suffered declining wages,
working conditions and job prospects, mirroring processes underway
in Australian society as a whole.
Asked by the World Socialist Web Site to comment on
the Australian's response to the report, Australian Bureau
of Statistics author, Dr Joan Cunningham remarked:
All I can say is that this report shows a lifetime of
disadvantage over a range of areas. I hope policy makers and decision
makers take a look at what the evidence actually is. In the past,
statistical evidence has not been available. Now I hope that this
book will lead to a debate, that is an informed debateone
not just with heat but with light.
See Also:
Aboriginal bilingual education
axed in Australia's Northern Territory
[10 April 1999]
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