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US Supreme Court to consider reversing Miranda decision
By John Andrews
8 December 1999
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The US Supreme Court Monday issued a long anticipated order
that it would review the case of United States v. Dickerson,
in which it could overrule the landmark Miranda decision.
Such an action would have enormous political and legal consequences,
eliminating much of the protection of the Fifth Amendment to the
US Constitution, which protects against self-incrimination, and
encouraging the brazen use of "third-degree" methods
by the police to coerce confessions out of arrested persons.
The 1966 decision in Miranda v. Arizona marked high
water for the Warren Court's expansion of democratic rights, a
liberal phase of the usually reactionary High Court, which itself
reflected powerful movements in the working class demanding recognition
of basic civil rights. The Miranda rule is widely known,
but imperfectly understood by many. It requires police to tell
people who are already in custody, before interrogating them,
that they have the right to an attorney and to remain silent.
Statements obtained in violation of that rule are generally not
admissible in subsequent court proceedings.
Miranda does not apply to many incriminating statements,
such as those made before a person is arrested, those made spontaneously,
and those made after Miranda warnings are given. Despite
initial opposition from police agencies, the Miranda rule
has proven to be fairly easy to apply, and has gained widespread
support from prosecutors as well as defense attorneys because
of the certainty it brings to the admissibility of confessions.
Chief Justice Warren draped the Miranda opinion in the
rhetoric of the eighteenth century democratic revolutions, reflecting
fundamental values completely absent from majority Supreme Court
decisions today. He wrote:
Our holding is not an innovation in our jurisprudence,
but is an application of principles long recognized and applied
in other settings. [It is] but an explication of basic rights
that are enshrined in our Constitutionthat No person
... shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against
himself,' and that the accused shall ... have the Assistance
of Counsel.' These precious rights were fixed in our Constitution
only after centuries of persecution and struggle. And in the words
of Chief Justice Marshall, they were secured for ages to
come, and ... designed to approach immortality as nearly as human
institutions can approach it.'
Underlying the Dickerson case are the same kind of right-wing
machinations that surfaced during the impeachment proceedings
against Clinton. The case brings the Miranda issue before
the Supreme Court despite the fact that both the prosecution and
the defendant Dickerson argued in favor of upholding the traditional
warnings.
Dickerson was picked up by the FBI and questioned as a suspect
in a string of bank robberies. There was a dispute about whether
Miranda warnings were given. The trial judge decided the
FBI agent was lying, and suppressed certain statements Dickerson
made.
On appeal to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeal, the US government
attorneys did not challenge the validity of Miranda, arguing
that warnings were given. In a highly unusual move, the court
allowed an outside party to the case, University of Utah Professor
Paul G. Cassell, a former law clerk for Justice Antonin Scalia
when he was a Court of Appeals judge, and a lawyer in the Reagan
administration, to intervene and argue that a provision in a 1968
federal law-and-order bill, Section 3501 of the United States
Criminal Code, had overruled Miranda.
This provision was adopted by Congress more than 30 years ago,
in a flurry of law-and-order demagogy. Although there have been
innumerable opportunities, administrations from Nixon to Clinton
have refused to apply Section 3501 because of its obvious unconstitutionality.
Disregarding three decades of precedent, two ultra-right-wing
Fourth Circuit judges adopted Cassell's position and held that
Section 3501 overrules Miranda in federal criminal cases.
Despite the right-wing trajectory of the Supreme Court, it
is not a foregone conclusion that the Fourth Circuit will be upheld.
Although the hard-core reactionary triumvirate of Rehnquist, Scalia
and Thomas will undoubtedly vote to get rid of Miranda,
there may not be the two other votes necessary. The case is expected
to be argued next spring with a decision due out before July.
Ironically, the challenge to Miranda is surfacing at
the same time as Los Angeles County prosecutors are being compelled
to release one person after another because of frame-ups carried
out by Los Angeles Police officers assigned to the Rampart division.
All pled guilty to crimes they did not commit because of legal
coercion. Over the last decade, advances in DNA testing have established
that many confessed criminalsincluding some
on death rowwere factually innocent of the charges against
them.
In other recent actions, the Court heard arguments in three
important cases.
Tobacco company lawyers attacked the right of the federal Food
and Drug Administration to regulate tobacco. Most observers concluded,
based on statements by the Justices, that the FDA regulations
would be struck down, further limiting federal power to control
big business.
The State of Vermont challenged the right of people to bring
whistleblower lawsuits, also known as qui tam
actions. Under Qui Tam law, private citizens can file lawsuits
against people or entities who misappropriate federal money. If
successful, they can get legal fees and a cut of the recovery.
Although Qui Tam has been around since the founding
of the United States, when the government lacked the legal resources
to go after profiteers, the Supreme Court is considering throwing
it out altogether on the basis that only government lawyers should
be allowed to bring such suits. Such a ruling would insulate big
business and local governments from being challenged for theft
of federal money. The Court may also use the case to further expand
the sovereign immunity of states, following the three reactionary
decisions with which it ended the last term.
Finally, the Court is considering weakening the separation
between church and state by allowing limited public funding of
a parochial school computer program. Many observers feel that
a decision for the religious school in that matter will lead to
approval of school voucher programs, further undermining the public
education system in the United States.
See Also:
US Circuit Court strikes down
suspects' rights
[11 February 1999]
North
America: Democratic Rights
[WSWS Full Coverage]
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