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WSWS : Workers
Struggles : Airlines
Judge imposes fines, calls American Airlines pilots extortionists
By Jerry White
16 February 1999
In the wake of a contempt-of-court order and massive fine levied
on Saturday by US District Judge Elton "Joe" Kendall,
most of the American Airlines pilots involved in a nine-day sick-out
have returned to work. Negotiations resumed between management
and the Allied Pilots Association Monday, and representatives
from the APA are due back in the Dallas courtroom Wednesday to
hear what additional damages Kendall might impose on behalf of
American Airlines.
Saturday's ruling was extraordinary, both for the severity
of the penalty and the language Kendall used. Not since the government
vendetta against the PATCO air traffic controllers in 1981 has
there been such an open and vicious expression of class hostility.
Kendall ranted against the pilots, at one point referring to their
job action as a criminal conspiracy akin to a Mafia extortion
ring.
Kendall ordered the APA to pay $10 million as a downpayment
on an even larger "eight-figure" fine to compensate
for American Airlines' lost business. He also ordered APA President
Richard Lavoy and Vice-President Brian Mayhew to pay $10,000 and
$5,000 respectively.
The pilots launched their job action February 6 in response
to a flagrant violation of their contract. The agreement stipulates
that in the event American purchases another airline, it must
merge the new pilots into the current seniority list and bring
them up to the pay and benefit package of the existing American
pilots. Instead the airline has declared it will take nearly two
years to bring pilots from recently acquired Reno Air, who earn
half the wages of American pilots, up to the normal payscale.
Judge Kendall contemptuously rejected the legal claims of the
pilots.
Kendall was infuriated by the refusal of hundreds of pilots
to comply with an order he had issued last week demanding an end
to the sick-out. Union officers maintained that they had tried
to enforce the order. But Kendall told them, "No one can
make someone else go fly an airplane. Particularly if someone
is dishonest and willing to lie and say they are sick when they
really aren't. Despite all the macho chest beating and mouthing
off by anonymous pilots, I have never made that claim. But what
a federal judge can do, and what I will do, is make people pay
for what they break. So if the activity and consequent damages
continue, when all the dust clears, all the assets of the Union,
including their strike war chest, will be capable of being safely
stored in the overhead bin of a Piper Cub."
The judge continued: "It is this Court's view that a minor
labor dispute has been transformed into nothing more than a shakedown.
Even though it may indeed be more economical for American to cave
in and pay, in the long run, if you pay extortion today, you typically
have to pay it tomorrow. When the pitch is 'pay us what we want
or we will cost you more,' it is the type of negotiation one usually
sees when doing business with one of the five families in New
York."
Kendall betrayed his ignorance and disinterest in the issues
that had sparked the job action. He portrayed the dispute as an
exercise in sheer greed by the pilots, implying that they saw
the merger as a chance to put more money in their pockets at the
expense of their fellow workers and the flying public. He declared
his action legitimate because "courts have been in existence
for centuries to compel parties to live up to their agreements."
In reality, his ruling sanctioned an open and provocative violation
of the contract on the part of management.
The judge blamed the sick-out on a "radical element"
which had supposedly taken over the union, and which was "determined
to fly American Airlines into the side of the mountain, taking
themselves, the Company, their co-workers and their customers
with them." Kendall commended those pilots who worked during
the sick-out, saying they were "not scabs, but persons of
honor" who were "being held hostage like everyone else".
He urged these pilots to "remember this fiasco the next time
they have union elections."
Kendall suggested that the pilots were overpaid parasites who
advanced themselves by sponging off the government. Pilots "make
in excess of six figures," he said, while "working about
78 hours a month, with a maximum of 100 hours per month."
They "were taught to fly jets at taxpayer expense in the
US military, which of course enables them to earn their six figure
incomes."
Judge Kendall is not known for making similar rebukes against
Texas oil barons and defense contractors who pocket billions from
cost-plus contracts and lucrative tax rebates, compliments of
the government.
Kendall claimed that the pilots could have settled the dispute
through the legal mechanisms of the Railway Labor Act. In fact,
the pilots have been attempting to proceed along this avenue for
years. The Railway Labor Act stipulates that rail and airline
workers must wait many months and surmount a series of hurdles
before they are legally free to strike. The American pilots did
precisely this, going out on strike in February 1997.
Within five minutes of their walkout, President Clinton intervened
with an emergency decree ordering them back to work. At that point
the pilots felt they had to ratify an unfavorable agreement, supervised
by government-appointed negotiators, or face the possibility of
Congress imposing an even worse deal.
Now, when American Airlines violates that contract with actions
that threaten the pilots' jobs and livelihoods, they try a new
tack--a sick-out--and once again the full force of the state comes
crashing down.
In other words, the pilots--and by extension all workers--are
being told they have no rights at all. In this sense the judge's
choice of words fits the substance of his ruling: he speaks the
language of the slave master addressing his slaves.
The contempt ruling takes place within the context of a propaganda
campaign by the media to stoke up hostility towards the pilots.
There has not even been a pretence of objectivity. Night after
night the networks have televised scenes of stranded families
sleeping in airports, newlyweds whose honeymoons have been ruined,
parents kept apart from their children, etc., etc. Those interviewed
have uniformly denounced the pilots, some demanding that they
be hit with jail terms and even bigger fines.
Kendall may be more extreme than most judges in his mode of
expression, but he is typical of the social type that has been
installed in the judiciary system over the past 20 years. President
George Bush appointed Kendall in 1992 on the recommendation of
right-wing Democrat-turned-Republican Senator Phil Gramm. The
American Airlines attorneys deliberately sought him because of
his pro-business credentials, including a 1996 ruling in favor
of telecommunications giants SBC and US West.
It is significant that Kendall's ruling came one day after
the Senate impeachment trial ended. There has not been a hint
of opposition from any Democrat or Republican to his attack on
the pilots. On the contrary, on the very day the Senate was voting
on his impeachment, Clinton made a statement calling on the pilots
to end their action by the weekend.
This fact says a great deal about the fundamental class interests
that underlie the American political system. For all of the ferocity
of the political warfare in Washington, when it comes to the basic
question of the interests of property and profit versus the needs
of working people, there is unanimity among both political parties
and all branches of government.
The vindictiveness of the judge is not simply a question of
the personality of one individual. The American ruling class is
acutely aware that the boom in share values and corporate profits
is dependent on suppressing wages and blocking a movement by any
section of the working class to recover the losses sustained in
wages and living standards over the last two decades. Again last
month, in his testimony before Congress, Federal Reserve chairman
Alan Greenspan warned of "wage acceleration" and his
fear that low unemployment rates could encourage workers to fight
for higher living standards.
Kendall's statements were meant to intimidate not only American
pilots and other airline employees, but the working class as a
whole.
As always, big business and its official representatives have
the advantage of an utterly docile and cowardly trade union movement.
The AFL-CIO has not even issued a formal statement of support
for the American pilots or opposition to Kendall's ruling.
The AFL-CIO bureaucracy tacitly supports the attack on the
American pilots. It calculates that a defeat for the American
pilots' union, which split from the AFL-CIO-affiliated Airline
Pilots Association (ALPA) in 1963, may provide some feathers for
the ALPA/AFL-CIO nest. ALPA, moreover, has already accepted in
large measure the type of two-tier wage structure that the American
pilots are resisting.
Not a few top union bureaucrats cursed the American pilots
for disrupting their own travel plans. They were on their way
last week to Miami Beach, one of American Airlines' prime destinations,
to attend the annual winter retreat of the AFL-CIO Executive Council
at the Fountainbleau Hotel.
It is only a matter of time before broader sections of the
working class decide to defy the likes of Kendall. This will pose
even more sharply the essential question: how to fight corporate
giants when the government itself--including all of its branches
and both political parties--is controlled by big business?
The militant resistance of the working class must be guided
by a new political strategy. Workers have to recognize that they
have no friends in either big business party. They must build
their own party, fighting for a program that advances the independent
interests of the working class and does not bow to the dictates
of the capitalist market.
Se Also:
American Airlines seeks contempt of court
ruling against pilots
[13 February 1999]
American Airlines pilots continue "sick-out"
[12 February 1999]
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