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WSWS : News
& Analysis : North
America : Clinton
Impeachment
Impeachment trial ends, but the conspiracy continues
By the Editorial Board
13 February 1999
The vote to acquit President Clinton in the Senate impeachment
trial was followed by a fusillade of self-congratulatory declarations,
hymns to bipartisanship, compliments on the senators' sagacity
and variations on the theme that the proceedings had once again
demonstrated how well "the system works."
It is difficult to square these celebratory remarks with the
facts. A political conspiracy, hatched by extreme right-wing and
fascistic elements in and around the Republican Party, came very
close to effecting a political coup d'etat.
Leading figures in two branches of the government--Congress
and the judiciary--were deeply implicated in the witch hunt led
by Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr and the ensuing impeachment
drive. Virtually no resistance to this conspiracy emerged from
within the institutions of American bourgeois democracy, least
of all the so-called "free press."
In the end, 50 senators from the majority party voted to convict
and remove the president on one trumped-up article of impeachment,
and 45 voted for the other.
The quasi-constitutional putsch would have succeeded were it
not for the overwhelming opposition among the broad masses of
the American people. In the given political circumstances, this
popular opposition prevented the Senate from consummating the
coup by convicting and ousting Clinton.
These facts are well known within the political establishment,
but, by common agreement, never broached in public. How well this
is understood is indicated by the remarks of Senator Charles Schumer
during the closed-door deliberations in the final days of the
Senate trial. According to excerpts published in the New York
Times, Schumer alluded to the erosion of democratic institutions
revealed by the impeachment crisis, admitting that "for the
first time, I've had doubts about whether our Governmental institutions
can withstand the rancorous currents of the present political
climate."
The New York Democrat outlined in blunt terms the efforts of
a "small group of lawyers and zealots in organizations like
the Rutherford Institute [which financed the Paula Jones suit]"
to manufacture a sex scandal and use it to bring down the Clinton
administration. "What is so profoundly disturbing,"
he said, "is not that this small group of Clinton-haters
hatched this plan. It's that this group--or any group equally
dogmatic and cunning--came so close to succeeding." Schumer
acknowledged that the plot would have succeeded were it not for
the overwhelming opposition of the public. "The American
people have saved us from ourselves," he said.
Such remarks, few and far between, were reserved for the inner
sanctum of the Senate chamber, once it had been cleared of the
public and the press. None of the scores of senators who made
the post-trial rounds of TV interview programs--Schumer included--uttered
a word about the right-wing conspiracy that underlay the impeachment
process.
The stubborn refusal of the vast majority of Americans to succumb
to the salacious gossip, half-truths and lies from Starr and his
Republican allies has prompted these quarters to issue virulent
denunciations of the people. Right-wingers from Pat Robertson
to Robert Bork have condemned the public for being immoral and
ignorant, and House Judiciary Chairman Henry Hyde has decried
the "low standards" of the populace. The implication,
broadly hinted by some, is that the people are unworthy of democracy,
and that democratic rights are a political millstone best dispensed
with.
The methods of intimidation and frameup employed by Starr are
indicative of the profoundly anti-democratic content of the political
attack on the White House. If such methods are employed against
the president of the US, what is in store for ordinary working
people?
While the media and politicians seek to reassure the public
that the conclusion of the impeachment process means the political
system is healthy, the significant fact is that it happened at
all. A crisis of this magnitude at the heart of the political
system must be an expression of profound contradictions within
society as a whole. The social antagonisms that gave rise to the
political crisis--the unprecedented level of social inequality;
the relentless assault on jobs and living standards; the growth
of poverty, hunger, ill health and homelessness; the decay of
public education--remain and grow more intense.
In the aftermath of the impeachment crisis these conflicts
will exert themselves more openly and directly. They will be exacerbated
by an increasingly unstable economic situation.
This entire episode constitutes a vast warning to working people
in America and around the world. The government of the most powerful
capitalist country has revealed itself to be fractured and virtually
dysfunctional. What is touted as the world's most stable democracy
has shown itself to be highly vulnerable to the methods of conspiracy
and coup.
The majority party, which prosecuted the coup attempt, is dominated
by extreme right-wing and neo-fascist forces. The Democratic Party,
beginning with the Clinton administration, has shown itself to
be incapable of mounting a serious defense, and unwilling to expose
the forces that conspired against it.
A political system so diseased and corrupt cannot and will
not cure itself. The major political lesson that emerges from
the impeachment crisis is the extreme fragility of the democratic
rights of working people under the existing social and political
order.
The increasing social polarization which is an essential feature
of capitalist development at the end of the 20th century is raising
once again a fundamental lesson driven home in the most tragic
form in the early part of the century. The triumph of fascism
in the 1920s and 1930s demonstrated even then the fundamental
incompatibility between capitalism and democratic rights. Recent
events show that working people in America and throughout the
world ignore this lesson today at their peril.
See Also:
The Impeachment
of Clinton
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