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WSWS : News
& Analysis : Australia
& South Pacific
The new "White Australia" Policy
By Mike Head
20 January 1999
The Australian government's decision to refuse a visitor's
visa to Rajendiram Sutharsan, a Tamil member of the Socialist
Equality Party of Sri Lanka, is part of a wider crackdown not
only against visitors but also aimed at refugees and immigrants
from Sri Lanka and other impoverished, particularly Asian, countries.
After his application was initially rejected on December
30, the Socialist Equality Party of Australia provided the Australian
High Commission in Sri Lanka with abundant documentary evidence
that Sutharsan had been invited to participate in the party's
summer educational school and to stay for two weeks for meetings
and discussions with workers and youth on his recent release from
detention by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. As requested,
the SEP guaranteed Sutharsan's return to Sri Lanka and gave details
of its financial support for the visit, including the provision
of a return air fare.
Yet the ban on his visit was maintained, on the basis that
he would pose an "unacceptably high risk" of overstaying
his visa. Jan Cleland, second secretary (immigration) in the High
Commission, said the decision had been made "in the interests
of consistent decision making". She asserted that Sutharsan
had "characteristics in common with the applicants at risk
of overstaying". She refused to elaborate on the criteria
applied or explain how Sutharsan could prove his commitment to
return to Sri Lanka.
Her statements indicate that many working class people from
Sri Lanka and elsewhere in Asia have been denied visas as a matter
of policy. Immigration officials gave similar reasons for the
initial refusal of visas for the world-renowned Thang Long Water
Puppet Troupe of Hanoi to perform at the Sydney Festival. This
month Australian officials in Islamabad used the same methods
to refuse entry to Farida Zaheer, chairwoman of Pakistan's national
textile union, who had been invited to attend an international
union conference in Sydney.
After objections by Sydney Festival organisers and trade
union officials, the decisions in the latter two cases were reversed
after further details of their arrangements were supplied to the
government. However, Sutharsan's exclusion has remained, pointing
to political discrimination as well as underlying discrimination
on the basis of race and economic status.
Further inquiries by the World Socialist Web Site
have confirmed that a virtual blanket exclusion applies to visitors
from countries--particularly those in Asia, the Middle East, South
America and Eastern Europe--whose residents are classified as
"risk factors". Moreover, behind this policy stands
a general clampdown on people from Asia and other impoverished
regions, whether they are seeking to visit, apply for refugee
status or immigrate.
Part one
The visitors' blacklist
Unbeknown to those seeking to visit Australia--whether as tourists,
for family reasons or for political purposes--the government has
a blacklist of countries from which visa applications are almost
automatically rejected.
Aside from a host of other arbitrary requirements--such as
passing medical tests and proving their "good character"--those
applying for short-term visitor's visas must show that their visit
is "genuine," that is, that they will not seek to stay
in the country, either by overstaying their visa or applying for
refugee status.
In applying this test, the government maintains a long list
specifying, by age and gender, people from particular countries
who are regarded as "risk factors". Those classified
in this way will have their applications rejected unless they
can prove that there is "very little likelihood" that
they will remain in Australia after the expiry of their visa.
There are 37 countries on the list that was gazetted by Immigration
and Multicultural Affairs Minister Philip Ruddock on 24 June 1997.
Most are Asian-Pacific countries, as well as South American, Middle
Eastern and Eastern European, plus two southern European--Portugal
and Greece, the two poorest states in Western Europe.
The list reads: Bangladesh, Burma, Cambodia, Chile, China,
Colombia, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Egypt, Fiji, Greece,
Hungary, India, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Macedonia, Mauritius,
Nauru, Pakistan, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Portugal, Romania,
Samoa, Slovakia, Sri Lanka, Syria, Tonga, Turkey, Ukraine, Uruguay,
Vanuatu, Vietnam and Yugoslavia.
Residents of these countries are banned according to various
age and sex categories. For Sri Lanka, the list specifies four
separate "classes": males aged 25 to 39 inclusive, males
60 years or older, females aged 20 to 39 inclusive and females
50 years or older. For some other countries, the categories are
even more sweeping. For the Pacific islands of Tonga and Samoa,
for example, both males and females aged 20 years or older are
barred. The same applies to Lebanon, the Philippines, Poland and
Turkey.
Those applying for visitors' visas from these countries are
not told about the blacklist, nor that they must prove their commitment
to return home. Instead, official brochures declare: "Australia
has a non-discriminatory immigration policy" that treats
all equally, "regardless of their ethnic origin, their gender,
colour or religion".
Applicants are supplied with information forms that state:
"Australia welcomes visitors and we try to keep formalities
to a minimum." The only hint of any further requirement occurs
under a heading: "Do I need a sponsor?" The answer given
is: "No. However, evidence of support from relatives or friends
in Australia may be asked for."
The blacklist is also kept a secret from the relatives and
friends of those seeking to visit. Australian working people in
general know nothing about it either. The 1997 gazette promulgated
by Ruddock, number S241 of 1997, is not even generally available.
Government bookshops no longer sell it, and it is not on the Internet.
National and state libraries may possibly have copies.
The precise legal test imposed by the government, set out obscurely
in paragraph 4011(1) of Schedule 4 of the 1994 Migration Regulations,
requires an applicant on the "risk factor" list to "satisfy
the Minister that, having regard to the applicant's circumstances
in the applicant's country of usual residence, there is very little
likelihood that the applicant will remain" after the expiry
of a visa.
Even if applicants are finally told of this test, it is, by
definition, almost impossible to satisfy in any objective sense.
It requires applicants to prove a negative. How does one demonstrate
the non-existence of a likelihood? The few appeal cases that exist
suggest that only those with lucrative business or employment
ties to their home country, or with a high level of financial
commitment by a sponsor, have succeeded.
Applicants often know nothing of the test until they have been
rejected--and then they have no right of review. Their only possible
appeal lies in a challenge on a point of law in the Federal Court,
an extremely expensive, uncertain and protracted process, particularly
for someone living far away in a poor country. If they have a
close relative living in Australia, that relative may apply for
a review of the merits of the case by a body called the Migration
Internal Review Office (MIRO) and then lodge an appeal with the
Immigration Review Tribunal, again an expensive and time-consuming
process.
In one recent successful appeal to the Tribunal on behalf of
a Chinese small businesswoman, the decision was finally overturned
a year and a half after the first application.
A lawyer who does volunteer work for immigrant families said
rejections of visitor's visas and even delays can have "severe
consequences" financially and emotionally. Working families
crimp and save to pay for visits by relatives and often organise
visits to coincide with birthdays or other special events, only
to have their hopes dashed at the last minute. He confirmed that
such experiences are now widespread in immigrant communities.
By canvassing homes in just one Sydney suburban street, the
WSWS spoke to numerous people who have had heartbreaking
experiences. One woman from northern Sri Lanka, now a factory
worker and single parent, failed to get permission for her 70-year-old
mother to visit from Jaffna, the main city in the war-torn Tamil
region. She has not seen her mother for two decades and her daughter
has never met her grandmother. She raised the money for a return
air ticket, but could not raise the $6,000 bond that the immigration
department also required.
It took three months and much bureaucratic buck-passing for
an Indian engineer to obtain permission for his parents to visit
for two months. A young Egyptian worker was not allowed a visit
by his father.
This blacklist was first introduced by the previous Labor Party
government and then extended by Ruddock in 1997 on behalf of the
present Howard Liberal-National Party government. According to
another immigration lawyer, the government claims that the list
is drafted on the basis of a statistical analysis of the rate
of visa overstaying that has occurred for each "class"
of applicants. In this way, governments, both Labor and Liberal,
have introduced a form of collective punishment for the alleged
offences of a few.
By the immigration department's own figures, the rate of overstaying
is extremely low, even for countries on the list. The rate ranges
from 4.5 percent for Tonga and 1.6 percent for Sri Lanka down
to near zero, with an overall rate of 0.2 percent among 2.7 million
non-business visitors annually.
The same figures also reveal that the two countries with the
most overstayers are the United Kingdom and the United States.
Japan and Germany are also on the list of 10 countries with the
greatest number of overstayers. Between them, they account for
nearly 30 percent of all those whose visas have expired. Apart
from being predominantly "white," these countries are
crucial to Australian business for trade, tourism and investment.
There is no suggestion, therefore, that their citizens be placed
on the blacklist.
Human rights organisations and concerned lawyers opposed the
Labor government's original imposition of this racially discriminatory
policy. Some pointed out that it constituted a de facto reimposition
of the infamous White Australia policy. From Federation in 1901
to the mid-1960s, when the policy was formally dropped for business
reasons, only those with "white" skin were allowed to
enter Australia.
The lawyer who voluntarily assists immigrants commented that
the use of statistical profiles to exclude people from certain
parts of the world could be illegal under the Racial Discrimination
Act. He noted that, as was the case with the White Australia policy
in the 1930s, arbitrary criteria are used to exclude applicants
while denying an explicit racial bias. In the 1930s, the authorities
imposed language tests; today "risk factor profiles"
are employed. "The government uses a statistical analysis
to mask other concerns," he said. "We fear that it will
only get worse as the government moves to abolish all appeals
to the courts."
In the wake of the financial and economic meltdown in Southeast
Asia, Russia and Latin America, the Australian government is intensifying
its measures to bar entry to working people from Asia and other
poor regions. In Sutharsan's case, the government is not only
trampling on his democratic rights but also those of workers and
youth in Australia to free speech and political association. On
a wider scale, thousands of people are being denied the basic
democratic right to travel, visit relatives and friends and engage
in discussions wherever they choose.
See: Part Two
See Also:
International protests against Australian
government exclusion of Tamil socialist
[19 January 1999]
Australia:
New attacks on the democratic rights of refugees
[10 December 1998]
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