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Pinochet hearing hinges on permissibility of torture
By Chris Marsden
28 January 1999
Former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet's defence team made
an explicit call for torture to be recognised as a legitimate
function of a head of state. Focusing her argument against Pinochet's
extradition on his claim to sovereign immunity, Clare Montgomery
told the Law Lords that only Chile could mount a prosecution.
"We would contend that where torture is committed within
the context of the military enforcing some internal security policy
... it still falls within the definition of sovereign or government
functions. And sovereign or public acts are entitled to immunity.''
"When an outside nation tries to prosecute, it is acting
under the laws of its own courts, not as a representative of the
international community," she went on. Prosecution lawyers
have consistently argued that the International Convention Against
Torture accepted by Chile, Britain and Spain--the nation seeking
Pinochet's extradition--makes torture an international crime.
It does not recognise immunity and gives all nations the right,
and even a duty, to intervene or prosecute.
Pinochet's lawyers not only oppose this on the grounds that
it is an infringement of national sovereignty, but Montgomery
even questioned whether torture and hostage-taking could be considered
international crimes. "They are crimes that give rise to
international concern, which is not the same thing.'' International
crimes must be linked to armed conflict, she said.
Montgomery backed up her chilling defence of the state's right
to carry out torture by asserting that the offences allegedly
committed by Pinochet before the coup were not extraditable. Chile,
she said, only ratified the international convention outlawing
torture in 1987, and its national sovereignty could not therefore
be abused by other countries seeking to prosecute its officials
for torture before that.
This was in answer to the recent shift in course by the prosecution
lawyers. They now argue that the general is not immune from prosecution
under British law because he committed many crimes prior to assuming
the position of head of state, in the run-up to and during the
September 11, 1973 coup. The prosecution pointed out that head
of the military junta and head of state were not synonymous and
the question of immunity only arose "from the moment he [Pinochet]
became head of state". Pinochet did not formally become head
of state until nine months after the coup. On Monday, the day
the defence began its presentation, five former Chilean sailors
emphasised this point at a news conference. They told how they
were seized and tortured by fellow naval officers involved in
the planned coup that brought Pinochet to power. The 5 were among
62 naval officers who tried to inform senior Chilean politicians
of the coup plot.
It was in response to this argument that the Law Lords requested
confirmation from the Foreign Office as to precisely when Pinochet
was recognised as a head of state by the British government. Though
not formally released to the public, the Foreign Office's response
was leaked to the Associated Press. It stated that the Foreign
Office did not recognise Pinochet as Chilean head of state after
he seized power in September 1973, but did recognised his government
11 days later. This leaves the issue open to differing interpretation
by the Law Lords. The Foreign Office goes on to explain that,
at the time Pinochet seized power, there was "no practice
of according separate or express recognition to heads of state....
The new government was recognised by Her Majesty's Government
on September 22 the same year. In January 1974, Queen Elizabeth
sent Pinochet a note calling him the 'President of the Governing
Council of Chile'.''
What is revealing is the basis on which the Foreign Office
justified the British government's decision to extend recognition
to Pinochet's junta. Its letter said, "At the time, Her Majesty's
Government still adhered to the policy (abandoned
in 1980) of according recognition to new governments which came
to power unconstitutionally, provided that they met certain conditions."
Primary amongst these was that the new regime had effective
control --a criteria that could only serve to sanction and
even encourage actions taken to suppress opposition to the rule
of governments such as Pinochet's junta.
Montgomery's recent line of argument is not new. It was accepted
as the basis for the original High Court ruling rejecting Spain's
extradition request in October last year, that is now the subject
of Pinochet's appeal.
Amnesty International, in its submission to the Law Lords arguing
for extradition, begins by opposing this decision given by Lord
Chief Justice Bingham of Cornhill that rejected criminal jurisdiction
over Pinochet by either Spain or the United Kingdom. Bingham concluded
that, under English law, a former head of state of a foreign country
was "entitled to immunity as a former sovereign from the
criminal and civil process of the English courts".
Amnesty notes that the two other High Court judges who heard
the case, Justices Collins and Richards, agreed with Bingham that
this was true with respect to systematic murder, torture, 'disappearance',
illegal detention and forcible transfer committed outside the
United Kingdom while he was head of state ( Judgement,
page 30).
Justice Collins specifically rejected the argument that such
crimes could never be part of the sovereign functions of a head
of state: "Unfortunately, history shows that it has indeed
on occasions been state policy to exterminate or to oppress particular
groups. One does not have to look very far back in history to
see examples of that sort of thing having happened. There is in
my judgement no justification for reading any limitation based
on the nature of the crimes committed into the immunity which
exists" ( Judgement, Opinion of Justice Collins, page
34).
In the latest hearing, Lord Chief Justice Nicolas Browne-Wilkinson
declared, "I believe this case will turn on the torture convention
almost alone.'' Proceedings are expected to conclude on Thursday,
though a decision will not be made for some time after.
See Also:
The Pinochet
extradition
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