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WSWS : History
"Made to look silly and laughable"--the PDS in Germany
reacts to the erection of a statue of Rosa Luxemburg
By Stefan Steinberg
27 January 1999
On 10 January Lothar Bisky, Gregor Gysi and other leading members
of the German Party of Democratic Socialism marched to the resting
place of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht and laid wreaths on
their graves at the Lichtenberg cemetery in East Berlin. (The
Party of Democratic Socialism [PDS] is the successor party to
the ruling Stalinist party [the SED] in the former German Democratic
Republic [East Germany]).
The annual commemoration of the murder of Luxemburg and Liebknecht
on the first weekend in January was a tradition in the German
Democratic Republic, and even today attracts up to 100,000 people.
Now, however, less than two weeks later a controversy has broken
out within the PDS. The source of the dispute is the sudden appearance
of a statue of Rosa Luxemburg in front of the headquarters of
the PDS, the Karl Liebknecht house in Berlin Mitte.
Leading members of the organisation reacted angrily to the
"overnight putsch" by artist members of the party, who
cemented a statue of Rosa Luxemburg into the pavement in front
of the party centre in the middle of the night. According to Harno
Harnish, the press speaker of the PDS, the leadership has been
"made to look silly and laughable". The chairman of
the party, Lothar Bisky, has intervened and promised to personally
find an alternative site for the erection of the statue.
The dispute over the statue goes back to 1995 when an artist
member of the PDS, Ingeborg Hunzinger, began a collection at the
annual PDS conference for a sculpture of Rosa Luxemburg. She declared
that she hoped thereby to rectify the situation in the former
German Democratic Republic where, despite the readiness of the
SED to erect statues and concrete monstrosities to all sorts of
faithful Stalinist hacks, no monument was ever erected in honour
of Rosa Luxemburg.
As the campaign and finances grew for such a project, leading
layers in the party, so-called "Realos" (realists),
expressed their growing misgivings about such a statue. They proposed
a competition for a monument and emphasised that a place for its
erection should be found other than in front of the party headquarters.
The misgivings and doubts on the part of leading members of
the PDS regarding a monument to Rosa Luxemburg have a political
pedigree. They are bound up with a long history of hostility on
the part of the Stalinist SED to Luxemburg's internationalist
outlook and uncompromising struggle against opportunism in the
workers movement.
Based on the historical record there can be no doubt that had
Luxemburg not been murdered in 1919, she would have thrown herself,
with all her energy, into the struggle against Stalin. For his
part, Stalin recognised that Luxemburg's political legacy posed
an enormous threat.
In 1931, as part of an intensified campaign against Trotsky
and the Left Opposition, Stalin wrote an open letter to the Soviet
magazine Proletskaja Revoljutsija, in which he stated it
would be entirely wrong to regard Trotsky and the Left Opposition
as a fraction inside the Communist movement, and declared Luxemburg
"guilty", alongside Trotsky, of developing the internationalist
perspective of "Permanent Revolution."
Stalin's letter was quickly translated into German. Inside
the German Communist Party, party leader Ernst Thaelman began
delivering salvo after salvo against the positions of Luxemburg
and Trotsky. The principal Stalinist accusations against Luxemburg's
so-called Menshevism and centrism were countered by Trotsky in
his essay "Hands off Rosa Luxemburg" (available in Trotsky's
Writings on Germany: 1932).
Stalin's critique of Luxemburg was taken over entirely by the
leaders and theoreticians of the SED. In an official party biography
of 1951, author Fred Ölssner repeats virtually word for word
the assessment of Stalin:
"But while Rosa Luxemburg's services to the German workers
movement were so considerable, and while we bow reverently to
her life of struggle, while we love Rosa for her uncompromising
struggle for the workers' cause, we must not forget: great were
her mistakes and errors which diverted the German working class
in the wrong direction. Above all we should not close our eyes
to the fact that it was not just a question of a few mistakes,
but rather an entire system of wrong positions ("Luxemburgism").
These positions were one of the decisive reasons for the defeat
of the German Communist Party after its foundation, for the falsification
of the role of the party by the Brandler group, for the underestimation
of the national question and the peasant question, positions which
could not be overcome despite the efforts of Ernst Thaelmann"
( Rosa Luxemburg, by Fred Ölssner, Dietz Verlag, 1951,
page 7).
Further on, he writes:
"Ernst Thaelmann's struggle for a party of the new type
in Germany was a struggle against Social Democracy for the victory
of Marxism-Leninism in the German workers movement. Part of this
struggle was the fight against the remnants of Luxemburgism, which
was nothing other than a variety of social democracy" (page
211).
The Stalinist bureaucracy in the East was always ready to use
parts of Rosa Luxemburg's scathing critique of social democratic
reformism in its polemics with the Social Democratic Party, but
in general the SED's relationship to Luxemburg remained ambivalent.
The main GDR publishing house was slow in compiling the Collected
Works of Luxemburg, first published in 1970, and even then
the Works were not complete. None of Luxemburg's valuable
writings on the national question, which were mainly published
in the organs of the Polish Social Democratic movement, were ever
translated and published.
On many occasions the PDS has stressed that it has re-assessed
its history and broken with its Stalinist past. The instinctively
hostile reaction by leading members of the party to the erection
of a statue of Rosa Luxemburg is, in its own way, a reminder that
the Stalinist opposition to this great Marxist theoretician and
revolutionary leader has deep roots inside the PDS.
See Also:
Marxism and the
Trade Unions
Globalization and the International Working Class:
A Marxist Assessment
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