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US Reform Party convention: political confusion and right-wing
nostrums
By Martin McLaughlin
28 July 1999
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The Reform Party, which arose as a byproduct of billionaire
H. Ross Perot's 1992 presidential campaign, held its fifth national
convention at the Hyatt Regency Hotel in Dearborn, Michigan, July
23-25. Attended by more than 350 delegates and at least an equal
number of alternates and guests, the convention provided further
evidence that this organization is no alternative for working
people to the big business-controlled two-party system in the
United States.
Reform has some of the outward trappings of a third-party movement.
It has ballot status in 19 states, and will likely gain ballot
status in most of the remaining 31 states and the District of
Columbia in time for the 2000 elections, as it did in 1996. It
has activists and local organizations in many parts of the country,
and it won statewide office for the first time last November,
when Jesse Ventura, a former professional wrestler, was elected
governor of Minnesota. Whoever the Reform Party nominates for
president will be entitled to $13 million in federal matching
funds, enough to wage a significant media campaign. Nonetheless
the Reform Party does not have a mass political base and remains
largely a political shell.
On the decisive issue of political program, the Reform Party
offers no challenge to the right-wing consensus of the Democrats
and Republicans. It embraces the profit system just as fervently
as the two major capitalist parties, criticizing corporate America
from the standpoint, not of the working class, but of sections
of small business who feel squeezed by domestic and foreign competition.
Election of officers
The principal business of the Dearborn convention was to elect
the party's officers for the coming year, who will be in a key
position to influence both the selection of a presidential candidate
and the attitude of Reform to the struggle between the Democrats
and Republicans for control of Congress. The two main contests
revealed both the tensions within the party and its vulnerability
to manipulation.
Jack Gargan, a retired Florida financial consultant, was elected
chairman in a three-way contest, defeating Pat Benjamin, a New
Jersey businesswoman, and Thomas McLaughlin, chairman of the Pennsylvania
state party. Gargan had the backing of Jesse Ventura, who addressed
the convention by telephone Friday night and ended his remarks
with an endorsement. Benjamin, the incumbent vice-chairman, had
the backing of the Perot loyalists who have controlled the party
machinery up until now. Gargan's victory, which came in a runoff
against Benjamin, demonstrated the weakening of Perot's influence.
In the contest for vice-chairman, the leading candidate through
the first two ballots was Lenora Fulani, former presidential candidate
of the New Alliance Party, a cult group founded by psychotherapist
Fred Newman, himself a former adherent of right-wing cult group
leader Lyndon Larouche. Fulani and her supporters merged with
the Reform Party before the 1996 elections and have worked within
the organization since then.
Fulani once claimed to be a socialist and still claims that
her roots are in the left, but she advocates policies
which are extremely right-wing. Last month she presented a draft
platform for Reform which denounces public education as social
engineering by wealthy elites and calls for government funding
of charter and parochial schools.
Fulani was finally defeated on the third ballot by Gerry Moan,
a Long Island party leader, after all other candidates were eliminated.
Moan's eventual victoryhe received 180 votes, just over
the 176 required for an absolute majority, to Fulani's 145was
a demonstration of both the political confusion and the narrow
base of Reform, which makes it susceptible to takeover by such
a bizarre and marginal group as the New Alliance Party.
The politics of Ventura
Jesse Ventura was introduced to the convention as a candidate
who had been elected because he ran from the center, against a
conservative Republican and a liberal Democrat. Speaking over
a telephone line, the Minnesota governor sounded the same theme,
suggesting that the Democrats and Republicans were too extreme
and that Reform should seek the support of elements in the middle.
The notion that the Democrats and Republicans represent opposite
poles of the political spectrum is simply absurd. By any objective
political assessment both parties are conservative, with a substantial
number of Republicans, and some Democrats, in the camp of the
extreme right.
The claim that the Democrats and Republicans are extreme opposites
was combined in the speeches of Reform Party leaders with the
assertionin this case truethat the two parties are
virtually identical and that both are in the pockets of corporate
interests. In the course of the three-day convention no speaker
attempted to untangle this muddle.
Ventura's remarks to the convention were a compendium of the
political nostrums on which Perot and the Reform Party have based
their appeal. He confined his comments to the process of
politicscampaign finance reform, term limits, encouraging
voter participation, maintaining democratic procedures within
the Reform Partysaying nothing at all about the substance
of the policies which he advocates, at the state or federal level.
He even sought to make a virtue out of the lack of program,
saying that members of the Reform Party were individuals,
not forced to march to the party line, and that the Reform
Party does not tell new members how to vote, but lets them
be themselves.
Without apparent irony, Ventura praised Perot as the founder
of the Reform Party, while claiming that people built this
party, not special interests. Ventura is opposed to a third
Perot candidacy and backs Lowell Weicker, the former Connecticut
senator and governor and a confirmed right-wing budget-cutter,
for the party's presidential nomination. He categorically ruled
out running himself, on the grounds that he had pledged to serve
out his four-year term in Minnesota, ending in 2002.
Convention delegates were undecided over a presidential nomination,
according to a poll published Monday. While Perot still was the
presidential choice of the largest number, his support was down
sharply, to only 22 percent, with the balance divided among multimillionaire
realtor Donald Trump, retired General Colin Powell, Ventura, Weicker
and a half-dozen others. This list of hopefuls alone
demonstrates the basically right-wing orientation of the Reform
Party delegates.
The social composition of Reform
The social composition of the Reform Party is largely petty
bourgeois. While the majority of the delegates were small businessmen,
professionals or middle managers, there were trade unionists,
some identifiable by union jackets or T-shirts, as well as skilled
workers. The delegates tended to be middle-aged or even older,
and there were virtually no blacks or other minorities, except
those affiliated with the Fulani group.
Among the candidates for national party office were a pollution
control engineer from Mississippi, semi-retired; a welding inspector
for a New Jersey power company; a Minnesota travel agent; an international
business consultant and former DuPont expert; the executive director
and fundraiser for a free clinic in Los Angeles; a Wall Street
management consultant; a respiratory therapist at an Iowa hospital.
This writer spoke with a number of delegates, encountering,
in succession, an Oregon lawyer disbarred for filing harassing
lawsuits against state judges, who is an adherent of right-wing
conspiracy theories about the United Nations; a young nuclear
power plant worker from Wisconsin who belongs to the IBEW, and
is critical of the union for continuing to support the Democrats
even after the Clinton administration backed NAFTA and the World
Trade Organization; a long-haired young man from Ft. Worth, Texas
who operates a paint-ball (war game) concession, who voiced hostility
towards government regulation and taxation of small business;
and a young Ventura campaigner from Minnesota, a professional
political operative and veteran Democratic Party campaigner, and
already, in his mid-20s, a hardened political opportunist.
These delegates and many others at the convention voiced intense
hostility to the two established parties and the entire political
structure of big business politics. Politician was
the worst epithet that any speaker could employ. But the Reform
Party is a product of the deepening political crisis in America,
not a solution to it.
The vacuum that exists in American politics is the absence
of any mass political formation that represents in a serious way
the interests of working people. The Reform Party expresses the
present political bewilderment of a layer of working class and
middle class people, without articulating any road forward.
Filling the vacuum, as in bourgeois politics as a whole, are
tendencies of an openly right-wing character. Patriotic flagwaving
predominated in the convention speeches, along with a nostalgia
for the (largely mythical) time when the US economy was insulated
from the outside world, when politicians were honest, and when
people had faith in government.
Operating behind the scenes in Reform are groups far more right-wing
than the political views expressed by Ventura or Perot. Speakers
at the convention included representatives of US Term Limits,
a lobbying group financed by cosmetics billionaire Ronald Lauder,
and the Initiative & Referendum Institute, which campaigns
for right-wing anti-tax ballot propositions, and includes on its
National Advisory Board the Republican governors of Mississippi,
Louisiana, Michigan and South Dakota, as well as former Reagan
Attorney General Edwin Meese.
Among the politicians who are scouting the Reform Party as
a potential vehicle for their presidential campaigns are such
extreme-right figures as Patrick Buchanan and Senator Robert Smith,
who recently quit the Republican Party, claiming it was far too
moderate.
See Also:
Right-wing US senator quits Republicans,
to run for president as independent
[15 July 1999]
Buchanan announces presidential
campaign for 2000
[6 March 1999]
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