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WSWS : News
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: China
Internet crackdown in China
By James Conachy
2 March 1999
In the first week of February, the Chinese regime announced
the formation of a new state authority. With the Orwellian title
of the "State Information Security Appraisal and Identification
Management Committee", the body will focus on strengthening
the computer firewalls set up to regulate Internet activity within
China, protecting government and commercial websites from hackers,
and developing new techniques to identify and monitor Internet
users and their activities.
Its establishment is part of a crackdown by the Beijing regime
on information flows taking place through the Internet and the
broader suppression of political dissent, particularly as the
tenth anniversary of the Tianenmen Square massacre approaches.
On January 20, a sentence of two years imprisonment was handed
down in the landmark trial of Lin Hai, the Shanghai Internet services
provider arrested on March 25, 1998 and charged with the crime
of "inciting the subversion of state authority". He
had sold 30,000 e-mail addresses to a US-based Chinese dissident
Internet publication, VIP Reference.
VIP Reference--the name is a parody of an official Communist
Party journal--sends a regular update of dissident news to over
250,000 e-mail addresses in mainland China. Employing a simple
system of changing its posting site each day, it has thus far
evaded attempts by Chinese security to prevent its distribution.
Lin Hai was the first Chinese citizen charged with political
crimes for Internet activities and is appealing his sentence.
The prison term imposed on him reflects growing pressures on the
providers of Internet services to assist the government in preventing
Chinese Internet users from accessing political organisations
or news services that provide analysis critical of the regime.
Unable to stop the flood of messages, the state is now turning
on the message deliverers.
On February 1, Richtalk, one of the most used Chinese language
web bulletin boards (www.sina.com.cn/richtalk/news/forum) was
shut down by government decree and has not been resumed.
The Information Center of Human Rights and Democratic Movement
in China, a Hong Kong-based dissident group, claimed that the
Richtalk forum had signed up 600,000 new members in two months
and that "bold" discussions were taking place on the
events of June 1989. Richtalk's crime was that it had not attempted
to censor the debate.
The Internet, more so than any previous medium, has posed a
fundamental challenge to the control and censorship the Stalinist
dictatorship has traditionally exerted over the flows of information,
political discourse and international contact.
The aggressive market policies pursued since the early 1970s
have transformed China into a central component of world capitalist
economy, with thousands of transnational firms locating production
facilities on the mainland to take advantage of the vast low-cost
labour market and the brutal suppression of the working class.
To facilitate the expansion of transnational production, the
regime has been compelled to establish modern international telecommunication
links and to encourage the adoption and use of the Internet by
Chinese citizens. Internet usage in China is rising exponentially,
increasing from around one million in 1996 to over four million
today.
Yet with access to a computer and a modem a Chinese citizen
can, theoretically, read what they like and communicate with whom
they like, outside of the control of government censors. In a
society riven by social tensions, this is a troubling reality
for ruling circles. The government has sought to deal with this
"problem" by implementing some of the world's most bureaucratic
laws and regulations governing Internet use.
To purchase a modem or obtain an Internet account requires
a police permit, which is issued by a body known as the Computer
Security and Supervision Authority. The user must sign a "Net
Access Responsibility Agreement" which bars the use of the
Internet for a lengthy list of forbidden purposes, including reading,
reproducing or transmitting material that "endangers the
state".
Without a police permit a Chinese citizen cannot open an Internet
account or even casually use the web at an Internet café,
which for many, particularly students, is their only option. An
Internet account can cost up to half the monthly salary of a professional
worker.
All Internet service providers (ISP) must pass through government
controlled servers to access the World Wide Web. The government
top-tier providers implement firewalls that prevent ISP servers
accessing websites that are prohibited by the central authorities--a
policy referred to as the "Great Firewall of China".
The banned sites include those of dissident organisations,
Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and at different times
has included the major world press, from the BBC to CNN. Users
attempting to reach the firewalled sites get a "server not
found" error message.
According to a report in Online US News last September,
the Chinese bureaucracy has established a new force of more than
200 "Internet security guards". Qin Guang, head of the
Computer Department for the Shanghai Public Security Bureau, was
quoted as saying: "Our goal is to have a security guard in
every work unit."
However ominous on paper such measures appear, they have had
only a minimal impact or, as in the case of the Richtalk forum,
proven ineffectual at stopping exchanges of opinion on political
and social issues.
Politically motivated users have sidestepped them by dialling
into ISPs located in Hong Kong, Taiwan or the US or used simple
hacking techniques to bypass the firewalls. Publishers seeking
to disseminate controversial information on the mainland frequently
change the location of sites, mirror them on accessible sites
or, more commonly, employ the same mass e-mail techniques of VIP
Reference.
Many users have relied on the fact it was unlikely the state
would ever actually check what they do on the web, assuming that
there was safety in numbers. While the ISP logs of e-mail use
and web movements are available for the state to inspect, the
activity of millions of Internet users creates an enormous haystack
for security agencies to sift through and uncover "suspicious"
needles. Widely available encryption tools such as Pretty Good
Privacy (PGP) further complicate attempts at monitoring e-mail.
The effectiveness of the existing controls was called into
question in December and January when the banned China Democratic
Party used e-mail to coordinate the public establishment of branches
around China, without the knowledge of the security agencies.
The activities of Internet hackers have also raised alarm in
Beijing. A Chinese computer magazine has alleged that 95 percent
of Chinese computer networks with Internet access have been hacked.
An Internet security company that tested dozens of government
networks in the major cities of Shanghai and Shenzhen found that
in most cases they could reach restricted information within one
minute. Security assessments have uncovered over 100 serious hacking
episodes against security, corporate or financial institutions.
In October two US-based hackers penetrated the server hosting
the official Chinese government human rights website the day it
was launched and replaced it with a page of denunciations of China's
human rights record, links to Amnesty International and insults
about the servers' standard of security. In December, in protest
at the trial of Lin Hai, the same pair hacked into one of main
Chinese backbone providers and disabled the firewalls on five
servers.
What effect the new state authority will have in strengthening
the hand of the Stalinist bureaucracy over the use of the Internet
in China remains to be seen. But there is little doubt that the
web will remain a major tool for the expression and organisation
of political discontent and opposition to the Beijing regime.
See Also:
Protests of workers and
farmers
Social tensions rise in China
[22 January 1999]
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