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Economy
US Treasury Secretary Rubin's legacy: the unfettered rule
of Wall Street
By Jerry White
14 May 1999
US Treasury Secretary Robert E. Rubin resigned Wednesday after
more than six years of directing the Clinton administration's
economic policy. Rubin's tenure has been identified with policies
that contributed to an unprecedented rise on the US stock market--with
the Dow Jones Industrial Average soaring from 4,000, when he became
Treasury Secretary in 1995, to over 11,000 today.
Investors shuddered Wednesday morning on the news that Rubin
was resigning and the Dow fell 200 points. But share values quickly
recovered as Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan praised Clinton's
choice as a successor, Lawrence Summers, Deputy Secretary of the
Treasury, who has long been groomed by Rubin to replace him.
Formerly the co-chairman of the powerful investment banking
firm Goldman, Sachs & Co., Rubin became the most influential
voice of Wall Street inside the Clinton administration, pressing
for deficit reduction policies domestically, and for an international
economic policy based on tearing down all barriers to the free
flow of US capital throughout the world.
Clinton, who had been heavily supported by Wall Street in his
1992 presidential bid, appointed Rubin as his top economic adviser
in 1993, selecting him to head the National Economic Council.
Along with Treasury Secretary Lloyd Bentsen, Rubin insisted that
deficit reduction had to be the administration's first priority.
This, he made clear to Clinton, would reassure the bond market,
keep interest rates down and insure Clinton's own reelection.
Clinton obliged, shelving and ultimately scrapping entirely his
modest election pledges of jobs, healthcare and "putting
people first."
Clinton acknowledged Wednesday that whatever credibility he
had with Wall Street and "fiscal conservatives" he owed
largely to Rubin. This was underscored by Republican House Ways
and Means Committee Chairman Bill Archer, who said, "Secretary
Rubin has been a strong and sometimes solitary voice within the
Clinton administration for open markets and fiscal discipline,
which has helped keep our economy strong."
After succeeding Bentsen as Treasury Secretary in 1995, Rubin
engineered the $20 billion bail-out of the Mexican economy, a
measure largely aimed at rescuing US banks and big investors who
stood to lose tens of billions. The Republican-led Congress refused
to back the plan, so Rubin persuaded Clinton to use his own authority,
lending $12 billion to Mexico from an exchange-rate fund under
the Treasury's control. Under US pressure the Mexican government
imposed austerity measures and increased interest rates, leading
to a sharp rise in unemployment and cutting living standards in
half for the great mass of Mexican workers. By 1997 these policies
had squeezed enough out of the Mexican people to repay the US
loans ahead of schedule.
Domestically, as the US budget deficit was sharply reduced
through a combination of tax increases and spending cuts, heavy
Treasury borrowing was no longer required, thus easing pressure
on the bond markets and allowing Federal Reserve Chairman Alan
Greenspan to keep interest rates low and fuel the roaring stock
market. Rubin's first year as secretary saw the stock market rise
by 31 percent, the largest percentage increase in 50 years.
The subsequent near tripling of stock market values has coincided
with a wave of downsizing, costing millions of workers their jobs,
and the stagnation and decline of living standards. These were
the conditions repeatedly praised by Rubin and Greenspan as a
near perfect "low inflation" economy. Unlike previous
Democratic administrations, where it was virtually commonplace
to voice occasional complaints about Federal Reserve policies
that favored wealthy investors, Rubin set a rule early on that
no one in the Clinton administration could publicly criticize
Greenspan.
When the devaluation of the Thai currency in July 1997 sparked
an economic meltdown throughout Asia Rubin again fashioned the
response by both the administration and the International Monetary
Fund. Interests rates were sharply increased and tight budget
policies imposed to restore currency stability and calm markets.
The austerity measures sent the affected economies into deep economic
slumps, with millions of workers thrown out of their jobs and
into poverty. The same demands were made of Russia, Latin America
and other regions.
These measures directly benefited Wall Street. First, as a
condition of IMF bailouts, these countries were forced to carry
out draconian measures in order to repay US investors. Moreover,
the instability that prevailed in these "developing"
countries had the added benefit of convincing investors internationally
to put their money in the safest haven, i.e., the US stock market.
Rubin pressed countries to drop barriers to capital and currency
movements and open their banking systems to US competition. As
a spokesman for Wall Street, he also opposed the protectionist
wing inside the Democratic Party itself.
Rubin's "legacy" has been universally praised in
Washington circles, on Wall Street and in the news media. The
New York Times called him an "Architect of Prosperity."
Fed Chairman Greenspan called him "one of the most effective
Secretaries of Treasury in this nation's history." House
Minority Leader Dick Gephardt said, "Bob Rubin deserves much
of the credit for the economic policies which have made our economy
the envy of the world."
The social reality behind the so-called "prosperity"
and "low unemployment" in America is sharply different.
Rubin has overseen a massive transfer of wealth from masses of
working people and the poor, in the US and the world over, into
the hands of the richest 1 percent of the population. According
to the Century Foundation, the only other period in this century
when household wealth was so disproportionately held by a relative
handful of the richest Americans came between 1922 and 1929. During
that time, too, inequality was buoyed primarily by the excessive
increase in stock values, which eventually crashed and led to
the Great Depression of the 1930s.
There is speculation that Rubin, 60, had been waiting for the
end of the impeachment crisis and stability on global markets
to return to private life. Rubin had amassed a large personal
fortune, estimated at $100 million, before joining the Clinton
administration. There are also rumors that he may be a possible
successor to Federal Reserve Chairman if Greenspan chooses to
retire when his current term expires in 13 months.
But it is also possible that the Treasury Secretary has decided
to get out while the getting is good. The IMF's World Economic
Outlook published last month warns of the "distinct possibility"
that a deepening global slowdown could be triggered by a pick-up
in US inflation, a significant stock market correction, prolonged
weakening in the euro zone or more emerging market problems.
An IMF spokesman, citing the enormous gap between stock market
values and corporate profits, said a "correction" of
at least 20 percent on Wall Street was in the making. Such a downturn,
which would wipe out trillions in paper values, would have both
financial and social consequences of enormous proportions.
See Also:
Wall Street celebrates stepped-up bombing
of Serbia
[5 May 1999]
Record US trade deficit evokes
warnings
[22 April 1999]
Fictitious capital and the
rise of the Dow
[30 March 1999]
The contradictions of surging
US growth
[2 March 1999]
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