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Europe and the US challenge Russian domination of the Baltic
states
By Steve James
6 November 1999
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The collapse of the Soviet Union has transformed a number of
Cold War frontiers into crossroads for an expanding flow of trade
and capital. Both Europe and the United States are seeking to
make one critical area, the Baltic region, a stable access point
to exploit Russia's considerable natural assets.
On November 12 in Helsinki, Finland the foreign ministers of
22 countries, along with representatives of the European Commission
and other inter-regional groupings in the Baltic Sea area, will
assemble to discuss what has become known as the European Union's
"Northern Dimension." Present will be all fifteen EU
countries, along with Norway, Russia, Poland, Iceland and the
Baltic states of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania.
The conference is being held under the auspices of the Finnish
presidency of the European Union. It represents an attempt to
propel European business interests into Russia's north and northwest
and develop valuable resources such as natural gas and oil, without
threatening the political stability of the region.
The initiative for the Northern Dimension has come
from Finland, and to a lesser extent Sweden. The entry of both
countries into the European Union in 1995 placed Finland in the
strategically critical position as the only EU state with a direct
border with Russia, at least until Poland or some of the Baltic
states join the EU.
The Finnish government is attempting to use its longstanding
connections with the ex-Stalinist leaders of Russia to broker
agreements between all the regional players and establish a dominant
position for Finnish and other European oil and forestry interests.
In recent speeches, Finnish President Marti Ahtisaari has promoted
Kareliathe former Finnish province occupied by the Soviet
Union for most of this centuryas a possible site for business
training centres and "company hatcheries".
One of the main points of discussion will be the progress of
plans to extract and sell billions of cubic metres of Russian
gas reservesone third of the known world reserves. Since
1997 the Russian power company Gazprom and the Finnish Fortum
Group have been working on piping the massive Russian gas reserves
into the industrial regions of central Europe. The intention is
to have a $5-6 billion pipeline ready by 2005.
The Fortum Group estimates that Russian natural gas could supply
as much as 40 percent of Europe's energy needs. Together with
the Finnish government, they are promoting the Northern
Dimension in general, and the gas pipeline in particular,
as a more stable source of Russian energy than southern supplies
from the highly volatile Caucasus region.
The US has not been invited to the Northern Dimension
conference, although the EU's plans and those of America have
ostensibly complementary aims. Both promote Western trade and
commercial penetration into Russia, stress the need for stable
political conditions, and incorporate assurances on the need to
work with their respective transatlantic partners.
In an address last May in the US, the Finnish director general
of political affairs at the EU, Pertti Torstila, spoke of a new
dimension to the transatlantic relationship conducted between
the United States and the European Community/Union. During the
Finnish Presidency, it will be our task to promote the dialogue
on political and security issues between the two leading actors
in world politics."
The US Council for Foreign Relations Task Force on US
Policy Towards North Eastern Europe, chaired by ex-National
Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski, underscored the same concerns
in April. "In particular, the United States should work closely
with Finland to promote closer EU-Russian-US cooperation in north
eastern Europe in areas such as drug traffic control, energy development,
and building civil society," the task force declared.
The US already has $18 billion worth of investments in the
Baltic region, including $7.6 billion in Swedenthe largest
source of foreign investment in the country. The US Task Force
made clear that they regard the Baltic region as crucial to American
interests in Europe.
The Clinton administration's concentration on the region was
viewed as something of an experiment in European integration,
drawing Russia closer to Europe, "defusing the potential
for conflict in the region, and promoting its stable economic
and political development." The Baltic area was described
as the one region in Europe where a US-Russian confrontation
is still conceivable."
The task force proposed that the US work with regional allies
in the Baltic and the EU to ensure that the Baltic states join
both NATO and the EU, without provoking a dangerous response from
the Russians. It urged the US to pay particular attention to the
Russian minorities in the region, because the most nationalist
elements within Russia could exploit the minorities question to
impose an anti-American political line. The task force warned
of potential trouble amongst ethnic Russians in Latvia, Estonia
and Kaliningrad.
It declared: "To the extent possible, US economic assistance
should be channelled directly to the regions in north western
Russia rather than going through Moscow. This would ensure that
the assistance actually goes to local entities and NGOs [non-governmental
organisations] rather than into the pockets of the central authorities...
Together with St. Petersburg, Kaliningrad could become Russia's
gateway and window to the West, helping to link it more closely
to Europe."
At present, the Russian response appears benign. Welcoming
the EU's Northern Dimension earlier this year, Gennadi
Seleznyov, the speaker of the Duma (parliament), noted that Russian
hopes for the Finnish EU presidency were that "the Northern
Dimension' will take on material content, and that Russia will
have a worthy place in the programme." But this situation
could rapidly change, given that US and EU policy appears to be
veering away from connections with Russia towards establishing
direct relations and control of former Soviet republics.
For the present, Europe and America are working in parallel,
but the projection of US wealth and influence into what is increasingly
regarded by the EU as its own backyard raises the inevitability
of future conflicts. The US task force was forced to note that
Germany, for one, was "far less enthusiastic about the inclusion
of the Baltic states in NATO".
See Also:
Russia
& the CIS
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