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Malaysia's Anwar Ibrahim found guilty in second frame-up trial
By John Roberts
9 August 2000
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Former Malaysian deputy Prime Minister and opposition leader
Anwar Ibrahim was found guilty of sodomy and sentenced to nine
years imprisonment by the High Court in Kuala Lumpur yesterday.
The predictable verdict was the product of a frame-up organised
from the office of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, aimed at undermining
political opposition to the coalition government led by the United
Malays National Organisation (UMNO).
Judge Arifin Jaka convicted Anwar, along with his adopted brother
Sukma Darmawan, after a 138-day no-jury trial that was characterised
by contradictory evidence, dubious witnesses and rulings by Arifin
that openly favoured, and at times rescued, the prosecution case.
The sentence will not begin until 2005, after Anwar completes
the six-year sentence imposed in April 1999 on equally dubious
charges of interfering with police investigations.
Rejecting any appeal for leniency, Anwar denounced the verdict
from the dock as political persecution.
I am the victim of political conspiracy through a web
of intrigue orchestrated by the maestro Dr Mahathir, he
declared. Despite strenuous appeals my counsel were prevented
from questioning this witness. The pronouncement of your judgment
today was a mere formality according to the pre-ordained script
of the conspirators. This is a conviction based on conjecture
and imagination. It has no legal basis. It is unjust, disgraceful
and revolting.
That the charges were both politically motivated and false
is indisputable.
* Azizan Abu Bahar, the supposed victim of Anwar's lust and
principal prosecution witness, only made his allegations in 1997
after a bitter struggle had begun inside UMNO between Mahathir
and Anwar over the direction of economic policy and control of
the government. Beforehand, Azizan enjoyed good relations with
Anwar's family, who employed him as a driver. He came forward
with the charges on the urging of Ummi Halfilda Ali, a businesswoman
with close connections to Anwar's rivals in UMNO, including the
current Finance Minister Daim Zainuddin.
* The date of the alleged sodomy, a crime under Malaysia's
reactionary anti-homosexual laws, was changed three times in the
course of the trial. The first date was May 1994. It was then
changed to May 1992. After Anwar's defense revealed that the apartment
building in which the act supposedly occurred had not even been
built at that time, Judge Arifin allowed the prosecution to change
the offense to 7:45pm, sometime between January and March 1993.
Despite this, Anwar and his lawyers were able to account for his
whereabouts on every single day of this three-month period.
* Despite public knowledge of the political context of Anwar's
prosecution, Arifin and the judge at the first trial, Augustine
Paul, continually asserted that there was no evidence of a political
conspiracy against Anwar and that even if there were, it was irrelevant
to the sodomy charges. Arifin used these assertions to refuse
to allow the defence to put Mahathir on the stand.
* On February 11, Raja Kamarudin Abdul Wahid, an UMNO local
branch head, testified that in 1998 Aziz Shamsuddin, Mahathir's
long-time political secretary, had instructed him to organise
a campaign to politically destroy Anwar and his supporters. Aziz
told Raja Kamarudin that he had been responsible for circulating
the 50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Become Prime Minister booklet
at the 1998 UMNO national conference in which unsupported claims
of Anwar's misconduct were made. Raja Kamarudin testified that
Aziz alluded to a slush fund when he said that no expense should
be spared in the campaign to frame-up Anwar. He said he
didn't care if the operation cost millions. He told me just to
send him the bill.
In his speech from the dock Anwar referred to the underlying
reason for the trial. He told the court: I objected to the
use of massive public funds to rescue the failed businesses of
his (Mahathir's) children and cronies.
As the 1997 Asian financial crisis engulfed Malaysia, Anwar,
representing a section of the Malaysian capitalist class, aligned
himself with the demands of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
for a fundamental restructuring of the economy and its opening
to greater foreign investment and competition. As the Finance
Minister, he instituted an austerity package that slashed government
spending by 18 per cent, cut ministerial salaries and deferred
major investment projects.
These measures ultimately aroused bitter opposition from Mahathir
and the corporate elite around and inside the government, whose
business empires had developed through government contracts, cheap
credit, concessions and protection from foreign competition. Under
conditions in which numbers of Malaysian companies were facing
the threat of bankruptcy, Anwar declared: There is no question
of any bailout. The banks will be allowed to protect themselves
and the government will not interfere.
The split within the Malaysian ruling class erupted at the
June 1998 UMNO national conference. Anwar and his supporters challenged
Mahathir's leadership under the cover of an attack on the nepotism
and cronyism in UMNO and the government, which Anwar had been
part of for 17 years. Mahathir supporters distributed the 50
Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Be Prime Minister booklet and used
these allegations in an unsuccessful attempt to compel Anwar to
resign.
Securing the majority within the government over the following
months, Mahathir introduced currency and capital controls on September
1, 1998, in defiance of the IMF. The next day Anwar was sacked
from the ministry and, along with hundreds of his supporters,
expelled from UMNO.
Anwar's attacks on the nepotism of Mahathir's rule, however,
met up with discontent over growing social inequality and the
decades-long suppression of democratic rights in Malaysia. When
the Anwar wing of the ruling class attempted to exploit these
popular sentiments for its own agenda, the government moved. Anwar
was arrested on September 20, after he led a demonstration of
50,000 people in Kuala Lumpur demanding economic and political
reforms.
Anwar was initially detained under the draconian Internal Security
Act, which allows detention without trial on security grounds.
The subsequent charges of corruption and sodomy were manufactured
to ensure he never left prison.
In the two years since Anwar's initial imprisonment, popular
dissatisfaction with the state of society has continued to grow.
This latest conviction will only serve to heighten the opposition
to the political, legal and economic system in Malaysia.
Conscious of this, Anwar has sought to mould himself as a symbol
of the aspirations of the common people and channel opposition
to the regime behind the National Justice Party, founded by his
wife and supporters. As he closed his court address yesterday,
he issued a warning to his one-time mentor: To Dr Mahathir
and his greedy family and cronies, I say beware the wrath of the
people. For the people are rising to reclaim justice. They are
siding against graft and abuse of power.
See Also:
Two rulings from a servile
Malaysian judiciary on the Anwar case
[29 May 2000]
A stifled leadership challenge
in Malaysia points to continuing rifts in UMNO
[28 April 2000]
Extensive police crackdown
against opposition rally in Malaysia
[19 April 2000]
Malaysia: Anwar's resumed trial
produces further evidence of a political frame-up
[14 February 2000]
Stage set for deepening
political crisis
Anwar Ibrahim jailed for six years in Malaysia
[15 April 1999]
Deepening political
crisis in Malaysia: Behind the sacking and arrest of Anwar Ibrahim
[3 October 1998]
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