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Fourth International
A veteran of the struggle against fascism and Stalinism
Nathan Steinberger celebrates his 90th birthday in Berlin
By Verena Nees
9 August 2000
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On July 16 Nathan Steinberger celebrated his ninetieth birthday
in Berlin. He is one of the few former members of the German Communist
Party (KPD) who survived the Stalinist prison camps of the Soviet
Union and retained their fundamental socialist convictions despite
this horrific experience.
His life not only encompasses almost the entire twentieth century,
but also closely reflects the tragic experiences of the workers
movement during the past era.
The youngest child born to an Orthodox Jewish family in Berlin,
Nathan grew up in relative poverty. His earliest impression of
the world was defined by war and hunger and the subsequent revolutionary
struggles of the Berlin workers. When the First World War began
Nathan was four years old; when the Russian Revolution occurred
he was seven. Asked about his childhood memories, Nathan Steinberger
recalls: The Russian Revolution had Berlin in a whirl. Everyone
was talking about Lenin and Trotsky. Looking back, I can say with
certainty that the events in Russia had an enormous effect on
life in Berlin and the whole of Germany.
Some of the biggest demonstrations and street battles took
place in the immediate vicinity of the Steinberger family's home.
Nathan's toys were the empty bullet shells he collected on the
street during the breaks in armed combat between supporters of
the Spartakusbund (the revolutionary Spartacus League,
later to become one of the essential components of the German
Communist Party, led by Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht) and
the soldiers of the Freikorps (reactionary paramilitary
organizations). Often, Nathan joined the mass demonstrations after
school, and in the evenings he would run away from home to attend
the heated debates at political workers' meetings to which he
felt magically drawn.
Under the influence of his elder brother Adolf, who was later
murdered by the Nazis in a concentration camp, Nathan soon joined
the Communist movement. At the age of 14 he became a member of
the Communist Youth Federation, and was involved in building the
KoPeFra (Kommunistische Pennälerfraktion
Communist High School Students Faction) and the Socialist
School Student Federation (SSB), in which he played a leading
role.
Nathan also got to know the problems of the German workers
movement at a very early age, and experienced its attempt at repeating
the Russian Revolution in Germany. Today he looks back to the
year of 1923 as being one of great hope and tension among both
Communist and Social Democratic workers. There had been strikes
throughout the year. There was a tangible feeling in the
aireveryone who was politically aware felt that soon it
would happen! he recalls. All of us, the workers of
Berlin and the youth, were awaiting the German October Revolution
in a fever of anticipation. I sensed that very clearly at the
time. The disappointment was all the greater when the leadership
of the German Communist Party (KPD) hesitated so long that they
missed the crest of the movement. One day, I realized it
was all over. Suddenly, there was a standstill. I couldn't explain
it, but all of sudden the excitement was gone, and disappointment
spread. The workers who weren't organized in the KPD were particularly
disappointed. There was an oppressive silence for several days.
In the wake of the struggles that emerged within the Russian
Communist Party between Stalin's faction and the Left Opposition
led by Leon Trotsky, conflicts also broke out in the KPD after
1923. Although he was still too young to grasp the political issues,
Nathan and his entire local were expelled from the Communist Youth
Federation (KJVD) in 1926. The justification given for this was
that the local was under the influence of Karl Korsch, a prominent
KPD oppositionist who criticized the party line.
Nathan Steinberger remained active in the SSB. He and his friends
not only discussed politics, but also organized discussions with
writers such as Erich Kästner, Arnold Zweig and others, and
also debates on issues of psychology and sexuality. After passing
his college entry-level exams in 1929, Nathan first enrolled in
the University Medical School in the hopes of being able to pursue
his favorite subject, psychology, but then switched to political
economy. He specialized in agricultural science, and studied under
the famous scientist Karl Wittfogel, who at that time was a representative
of the International Agriculture Institute in Moscow.
Despite his previous expulsion from the Communist Youth Federation,
Nathan became a member of the KPD in 1928. That year marked the
beginning of vehement disputes within the KPD on the subject of
the social fascism theory advanced by Stalin and his
followers. According to this theory there was no difference between
social democracy and fascism. The effect of this suicidal policy
was to prevent any common struggle by Social Democrat and Communist
workers against the increasing influence of the fascists.
Nathan instinctively rejected this position. As he recalls,
This ultra-leftist position was something for the politically
ignorant. The vast majority of those who had gone through the
revolutionary experiences of 1918 and 1923 rejected the equation
of the SPD with the fascists. I, at any rate, never used the phrase
social fascism' when doing street agitation. It was
during this period that Nathan Steinberger first encountered the
writings of Leon Trotsky, who called for a united workers front
and warned that Stalin's politics were leading to a division of
the working class and playing into the hands of the Nazis.
A short while later the life of Nathan Steinberger was to change
dramatically. At the recommendation of Karl Wittfogel, he was
appointed to the Moscow Agricultural Institute in 1932, even before
he had finished his course of studies. He was accompanied by his
girl-friend Edith, who was also an active member of the KPD. Their
stay in Moscow was supposed to last for two years, but when Hitler
came to power in 1933 there was no way the young couple could
return to Germany. Not only were they known as members of the
KPD, they were also Jewish.
Nathan and Edith were shattered by the defeat of the workers
movement and the victory of fascism in Germany. At the same time
they discovered that the Soviet Union under Stalin's regime had
nothing in common with the revolutionary optimism of the 1920s
that had attracted both of them to politics. At the Agricultural
Institute, older colleagues informed Nathan about the terrible
and brutal events that had taken place in the rural districts
during the course of forced collectivization. He met Old Bolsheviks
such as Fritz Platten, a Swiss revolutionary and close collaborator
of Lenin's, and experienced how Platten and other old party members
were increasingly isolated. At this point, Trotsky's supporters
had already been exiled or imprisoned. There was hardly any open
political discussion at the party meetings Nathan attended. Party
democracy was increasingly smothered by bureaucratism and intrigues.
In 1935, Nathan was awarded his doctor's degree. His doctorate
on The Agricultural Politics of National Socialism
was published, but soon afterwards his scientific work was abruptly
brought to an end. In the aftermath of Leningrad party secretary
Kirov's murder, the purges began. And not only known oppositionists,
but also an increasing number of party members who had hitherto
been loyal followers of Stalin fell into the clutches of the Stalinist
secret police GPU. Nathan was dismissed from the Agricultural
Institute in 1936 and at first tried to make ends meet for his
family, which now included a daughter, Marianne, born in 1935,
by giving German lessons.
After the first Moscow show trial, the wave of arrests also
engulfed the German émigrés who had fled from the
Nazis. Looking back, Nathan points out that Stalin moved
against anyone who could be a potential critic of his politics.
And he knew that the defeat in Germany was above all the result
of his politics.
On the eve of May Day 1937 Nathan was arrested. His wife Edith
met the same fate in 1941, at the beginning of the German invasion
of the Soviet Union. Their six-year-old daughter was taken in
by a Jewish family they had befriended.
The martyrdom that now began was to last until 1956. Nathan
was first incarcerated in the notorious Butyrky prison, and then
transported to Kolyma in Siberia. He was charged with counter-revolutionary
Trotskyist activity, his guilt compounded, among
other things, by his expulsion from the German Communist Youth
Federation at the age of 15. His wife was deported to a labor
camp in Kazakhstan, where she only just managed to survive.
In Butyrky prison, Nathan recognized that the arrests were
not arbitrary. They were primarily aimed at the most devoted party
members who had actively participated in the October Revolution.
He shared his first prison cell with a son of the Left Oppositionist
Zinoviev and with the Old Bolshevik and party historian Vladimir
Ivanovich Nevsky, who had been involved in the military preparation
of the 1917 revolution as a member of the Petrograd Revolutionary
Committee and was minister of transport in the first workers'
government under Lenin. Only a few weeks after Nathan met him,
Nevsky was taken from his prison cell and shot.
Unlike almost all of their friends of that time, Nathan and
Edith Steinberger somehow survived. Reunited with their daughter,
they were allowed to return to (East) Berlin in 1956, but were
subjected to absolute silence in the German Democratic Republic.
They were not allowed to say a single word about the Stalinist
prison camps. It was only after the collapse of the GDR ten years
ago and the subsequent dissolution of the Soviet Union that Nathan
Steinberger began to recount his experiences under Stalinist terror.
Unlike many other survivors of the Gulags, he did not embrace
right-wing politics, but remained faithful to the socialist ideals
of his youth.
At his birthday celebration on July 16, which was attended
by many friends and acquaintances of his younger days and from
his time in the GDR, Nathan Steinberger summarized the conclusions
he had drawn from his life with the following words: I want
to help young people understand what Stalinism was. Socialism
must be rid once and for all of the refuse of falsification and
suppressionmust be cleansed once and for all of Stalinism.
The regimes in the Soviet Union and its sphere of influence had
nothing whatsoever to do with socialism.
The Partei für Soziale Gleichheit (PSGSocial
Equality Party), the German section of the Fourth International,
also extended its birthday greetings. A birthday telegram sent
by David North, the chairman of the World Socialist Web Site
editorial board, read as follows:
Your life and that of your beloved Edith have spanned
nearly the entire 20th century. The hopes, ideals, struggles and
tragedies of that tumultuous epoch have constituted the essential
content of your remarkable biographies. You have lived through
two world wars, the bestiality of fascism, and the betrayals of
Stalinism. Again and again your character and beliefs have been
put to the most extreme test. But, trotz alledem, you have
crossed over the threshold of the 21st century with your integrity
intact, your spirit unbroken, and your devotion to socialism undiminished.
You, dear Nathan, at the age of 90, are an inspiration and example
for us alland especially for the youth.
See Also:
An interview
with Nathan Steinberger
[7 April 1997]
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