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Wall Street Journal targets Jesse Jackson: opening
salvo in an attack on public dissent
By Jerry White
23 December 2000
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this version to print
Within the establishment press the Wall Street Journal serves
as a mouthpiece for the most right-wing elements of the Republican
Party and American ruling circles in general. Thus the appearance
of an editorial in the Journal's December 14 issue denouncing
Jesse Jackson in scathing terms is indicative of the political
trajectory of forces that will exert a major influence on the
incoming administration of George W. Bush.
The Journal's editors were the point men for the assault
against the Clinton administration that began even before the
Democratic president took office in January of 1993. The newspaper's
editorial pages promoted all of the scandals concocted by the
Christian Right and other anti-Clinton zealots. These included
Whitewater, Filegate, Travelgate, allegations of campaign finance
abuse and the trading of military secrets to China, as well as
the series of sex scandals involving Gennifer Flowers, Juanita
Broaddrick, Paula Jones and Kathleen Willey, culminating in the
Monica Lewinsky affair and the Clinton impeachment.
The newspaper's modus operandi was to demonize individuals
within the Clinton administration and its periphery, utilizing
gossip and innuendo as weapons of character assassination. One
of the first victims was White House deputy counsel and longtime
Clinton associate Vincent Foster, who was driven to suicide in
July 1993, in part because of the campaign waged against him by
the Journal. (Subsequently the Journal editorial
pages campaigned for a full-scale investigation of the Foster
suicide, giving implicit support to allegations from Christian
fundamentalist groups and other ultra-rightists that Foster was
the victim of a plot hatched by Clinton to cover his tracks in
the Whitewater affair.)
The Wall Street Journal's attack on Jesse Jackson in
the aftermath of the Supreme Court decision handing the presidency
to Bush must be considered within the context of the newspaper's
record of dirty tricks and political provocation against its liberal
opponents.
The editorial, which appeared two days after the December 12
high court ruling, featured a head shot of Jackson and bore the
headline The Mouth that Roared. It denounced Jackson
for criticizing actions by Florida Republican officials that effectively
excluded thousands of minority voters, including the use of confusing
ballots, acts of police intimidation, and the exclusion of legal
voters from voter registration lists. It further attacked Jackson
for his denunciations of post-election efforts by the Bush camp
and its allies in Florida, including George W's brother, Florida
Governor Jeb Bush, to block an accurate count of the votes, culminating
in the decision by the US Supreme Court to override the state
high court and halt manual recounts of untallied votes, thereby
handing the election to George W. Bush.
The Wall Street Journal condemned Jackson as a rabble-rouser
and race-baiter for expressing, even in a limited
way, the outrage felt not only by African-American voters in Florida,
but by tens of millions of people around the country over the
theft of the election. The implication of the editorial was that
any protest against the breach of democratic rights at the center
of the 2000 election was illegitimate.
The piece began with a quote from former Washington, DC Mayor
Marion BarryJesse don't wanna run nothing but his
mouthto which the Journal editors added, And
run his mouth he certainly has. They continued: In
the last week, the Reverend Jackson has jumped from metaphor to
metaphor, here inveighing against George W. Bush's Nazi
tactics,' there suggesting that the protesters outside the Supreme
Court were reminiscent of Selma, where civil rights workers were
beaten by authorities.
The editors inveighed against Jackson's comparison of the December
12 Supreme Court ruling with the infamous Dred Scott decision
of 1857, in which the high court proclaimed the right of Southern
slave owners to take their human property anywhere
in the US. The editorial went on to denounce Jackson for warning
that a civil rights explosion would erupt if Bush
were installed in the White House by undemocratic means. It concluded
with the demand that honest Democrats find the
guts to stand up to and renounce the vicious race-baiting
of the Jesse Jacksons.
These sentiments were echoed by various right-wing publications
and columnists. Rupert Murdoch's New York Post ran a December
14 column headlined Old Has-Been Jesse Keeps Spewing Bile.
Another piece, entitled Jesse Jackson's Long Misguided March,
appeared in the December 14 online edition of Reason magazine.
The author, Michael Lynch, accused Jackson of raising incendiary
stuff to continue his quest to divide America.
Similar pieces suggesting that Jackson should be silenced appeared
in Rev. Moon's Washington Times and other right-wing publications.
In the tone and language of these columns, as well as their
substance, there is more than a whiff of McCarthyism. They are
all the more significant given the fact that their target is a
political figure who has long been part of the bourgeois establishment.
The effort to cast Jackson as some kind of left extremist only
testifies to how far to the right the spectrum of official politics
has swung in the US. Even by current European standards, a man
with Jackson's public views would be considered a centrist in
France or Germany.
Indeed, Jackson's rise to prominence has reflected the general
decline and movement to the right of the civil rights establishment.
A defender of the profit system and advocate of black capitalism,
Jackson has functioned on numerous occasions as an emissary of
the State Department. His main role at home has been to intervene
in various hot spots, involving labor disputes or
attacks on racial minorities, to channel discontent in a harmless
direction and keep opposition within the framework of the Democratic
Party.
That the right wing now goes after Jackson in such a frenzied
manner is a reflection of their own nervousness over the anger
felt by broad masses of working people in the aftermath of the
election. The Republican right is well aware that its social agendatax
cuts for the rich, school vouchers, attacks on Medicare and Social
Security, the removal of all restraints on big businessis
deeply unpopular with the majority of the American people. It
senses as well the widespread discontent over the anti-democratic
way in which Bush has been brought to powerdiscontent that
can only be compounded by the impact of the economic downturn
already under way.
The inclination of the forces lined up behind Bush, for whom
the Wall Street Journal speaks, is to strike hard and fast
to preempt a growth of social and political opposition. Their
targeting of Jackson is part of a wider effort to create an atmosphere
of intimidation to silence all resistance to Bush and his policies.
Already sections of the media are slanting their reports of
demonstrations planned for the week of Bush's inauguration to
portray them in advance as illegitimate, if not illegal, acts
of political sabotage. A number of organizations have announced
plans to protest Bush's inauguration on January 20, and Jackson
himself has called for nonviolent protests beginning on January
15 (Martin Luther King Day) and leading up to Inauguration Day.
One Reuters dispatch on the planned protests was headlined,
Leftists to Disrupt Inauguration. It quoted the Washington,
DC police chief saying that his department was gearing up for
a clash with demonstrators.
This effort to de-legitimize dissent was evident throughout
the post-election crisis. Pro-Bush forces targeted Jackson for
organizing protests in West Palm Beach, Florida of black, Jewish
and immigrant voters who complained of confusing ballots and other
irregularities. At the time, Bill O'Reilly of Fox News said, I
don't want Jesse Jackson stirring up racial tensions and class
warfare.
On November 13, more than 100 Republican protesters, waving
signs and shouting Jesse go home from bullhorns, forced
Jackson to leave the stage at a rally of nearly 2,000 West Palm
Beach demonstrators. Police, who whisked Jackson and other speakers
away to a nearby auditorium, declared the situation too dangerous
for Jackson to remain.
In contrast to the generally negative media coverage of Jackson
and anti-Bush protests in Florida, most media outlets treated
the November 22 mini-riot organized by the Bush camp to stop the
recounting of ballots in Miami-Dade County as a spontaneous expression
of legitimate dissent.
What, according to the Wall Street Journal, is Jesse
Jackson's crime? First, that he is exercising his constitutional
right to engage in political dissent. And second, that he is,
to the extent that he speaks bluntly about the events of the past
seven weeks, revealing aspects of the profound attack on the democratic
rights of the American people that is under way.
Indeed, Jackson's characterization of the Supreme Court ruling
as a coup d'etat and his invocation of the Dred Scott
case stand out as notable and meritorious exceptions in a political
career marked by political obfuscation and double-talk.
The comparison to the Dred Scott decision is, notwithstanding
many historical differences, an apt one. The ruling of 1857 attacked
the democratic foundations of the American republic by sanctioning
the expansion of slavery throughout the US, an action that made
almost inevitable the outbreak of the Civil War four years later.
The 5-4 ruling by the high court on December 12 of this year was,
in a basic sense, no less reactionary, and it heralds social and
political convulsions not seen in the US since the Civil War.
It represented a fundamental breach with democratic norms and
the principle of popular sovereignty. In fact, the justification
advanced openly by the right-wing troika of William Rehnquist,
Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas was the assertion that the
American people do not have a constitutional right to elect the
president.
In making the statements so deplored by the Wall Street
Journal, Jackson was no doubt responding to the pressure he
feels from broad sections of workers, particularly African-Americans,
who turned out in large numbers on Election Day to prevent Bush
from capturing the White House, rightly sensing the threat that
his administration would pose to their past gains, including those
won in the civil rights struggles.
Jackson is fully conscious of the forces he ultimately represents
and the class interests he serves. That is why he responded to
the Wall Street Journal editorial on the very day it appeared
by phoning Bush to congratulate him and offer his services to
unite and heal the nation.
I told him that he will have my support, Jackson
told the press. Hopefully, we'll get together soon and discuss
ways he can build bridges with minorities who are outraged over
the way the election ended. Jackson reiterated his conciliatory
remarks in appearances on the Sunday news shows and NBC's Today
program the following day.
Jackson's public contrition was entirely predictable. But it
is not a matter of giving political support to Jackson. Neither
he nor any other representative of the Democratic Party is capable
of mounting a serious struggle against the right wing.
What is critical, however, is that working people and all those
committed to the defense of democratic rights grasp the essence
of the attack on Jackson by the Wall Street Journal and
the Republican right. While the immediate object of the attack
may be Jackson and other liberals, more fundamentally the target
is the working class. The campaign against Jackson should be taken
as a warning that the coming to power of the Bush administration
will signify an intensification of the assault on basic rights.
See Also:
Bush prepares a government of reaction
and militarism
[18 December 2000]
US Elections
& Politics
[WSWS Full Coverage]
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