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Britain: Labour government outlines law-and-order election
platform
By Julie Hyland
8 December 2000
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The Queen's speech on December 6 opening parliament announced
the Labour government's legislative programme for the forthcoming
year. It was widely interpreted as signalling a general election
in Spring 2001.
Although the Queen delivers the speech, the government writes
it. It contained just 15 bills and four in draft formcompared
to 22 bills in 1997 the year Labour came to office, 26 in 1998
and 28 in 1999. Several of these will probably never reach the
statute book if, as expected, Prime Minister Tony Blair cuts short
the parliamentary session for an election in April or May next
year.
Some political commentators complained that the Queen's speech
had been used as a virtual mini-election manifesto by the government.
As such, it gave advance notice of the policies on which Labour
intends to fight their campaign, and further evidence of the inexorable
drift of official British politics to the right.
The Queen's speech was touted as the "fourth chapter of
the government's story". A government spokesman explained
that chapter one had centred on the economy, chapter two on work
and unemployment, and chapter three on education. This latest
instalment was about "matching the opportunity economy with
the responsibility society".
"Opportunity" and "responsibility" are
favourite buzzwords for the Blair governmentmost often appearing
in conjunctionbut like the Third Way, their
precise meaning is never spelt out. This is not surprising, as
these rather innocuous sounding terms are the ideological catch-all
through which Labour has sought to justify the overturning of
long-standing social and democratic rights.
According to Blair's mantra, "citizenship rights"
are dependent upon fulfilling certain obligations to the state.
Access to social security benefits depends upon an applicant proving
they are actively seeking workregardless of the wage rate
on offeror accepting a place on the government's "New
Deal" workfare schemes. Democratic rights have fared even
worse. Under Labour, people must first prove they are "law-abiding"
and "responsible" before being allowed to exercise them.
The government is fond of this theme because it enables them to
make greater inroads into public spending, and plays well to disgruntled
former Conservative voters and the wealthy elite, whose support
Labour has cultivated and is desperate to cling onto.
In keeping with this, six bills outlined by the Queen relate
to law-and-order measuresmore than one third of the government's
entire legislative programme. The Queen's speech announced a crackdown
on social security fraud. Under a "two strikes and you're
out" system, people who have been convicted twice of committing
a benefit offence within a three-year period can have their benefits
stopped altogether or reduced. Employers who collude in benefit
fraud can now be fined. In order to crackdown on supposed fraud,
every benefit recipient will be treated as a potential criminal.
New powers will enable banks, credit card companies and other
agencies to share information in order to detect benefit fraud.
The government will reintroduce legislation further curtailing
the right to trial by jury, which has twice been rejected by the
House of Lords this year. Some 18,000 defendants who are charged
with middle-ranking offences will no longer be able to opt for
a jury trial. John Wadham of the civil rights group Liberty said
that the government was confusing being "tough on crime"
with being "tough on human rights". However, for the
government, those facing criminal prosecution should not enjoy
automatic access to such rights becausealthough technically
innocent until proven guiltyas it argues that there is "no
smoke without fire". Criminals are abusing the jury system,
Labour claims, and, moreover, their new measures will save £128m
each year.
Labour also plans to introduce child curfew schemes. According
to the government, British society is in urgent need of protection
from a veritable plague of children who are out of control and
intent on committing crime. But it is specifically working class
children who will be the brunt of the new measures, as the curfews
will be targeted on "hard"read poor and deprivedneighbourhoods.
Labour previously introduced targeted curfew powers for those
aged 10 and under. The fact that no English authority has used
the power subsequently proves just how false government claims
are. Crime statistics also disprove the existence of a "child
crime wave". Children are more likely to be the victims of
crime than its perpetrators. Nonetheless, Labour aims to extend
the power of curfew to those aged below 16 years. To be young,
working class and out on the streets unsupervised after 10pm is
tantamount to criminal activity in Labour's book.
The curfew powers were packaged as part of clamping down on
"yob culture". Other measures include introducing £100
fixed penalties for offences of disorderly behaviouronce
again removing the need for the "costly" process of
formal charges, a trial, etca ban on drinking alcohol on
the streets, empowering the police to close "rowdy"
pubs and clubs and to seize the assets of criminals.
Any legislation that smacked of progressiveness such
as its previous election commitment to overturn the anti-homosexual
Clause 28 introduced under Conservative rulewas
ditched. So was the pledge to introduce a bill to conduct a referendum
on a system of proportional representation. Even the commitment
to bring forward legislation outlawing fox hunting with houndswhich
had enraged Britain's landed gentrywas neutered. Legislation
will now depend on a free vote in parliament, but even then it
is unlikely to pass, as it will meet opposition in the House of
Lords and run out of parliamentary time.
There was not much else in Labour's Queen's speech. An assortment
of plans for the partial privatisation of inner-city doctors services,
a ban on tobacco advertising, a vague commitment that elderly
long-term care patients will not have to finance their nursing
costs (just their accommodation) and the further deregulation
of business "red tape".
With Blair putting the finishing touches to his right-wing
election agenda, Conservative leader William Hague was anxious
not to be outdone. He pledged that a Tory government would introduce
£8bn of tax cuts in the first two years, to be financed
primarily by cutting "red tape" and social security
spending.
Despite the similarity of Labour and Conservative policies
in many areas, several newspapers claimed that election battle-lines
had been clearly drawn. Commenting on the Queen's speech, the
Financial Times opined that "On the ideological plane,
certainly, both parties have reclaimed their traditional colours",
arguing that Blair was reverting to the "tax and spend"
agenda of old, in contrast to Hague's preference for "smaller
government".
Rupert Murdoch's Sun newspaper went even further. According
to its political editor Trevor Kavanagh, "New Labour is in
fact an old-fashioned, socialist, tax-and-spend administration".
Its editorial complained that in the last three years Labour had
failed to "tear apart the bloated welfare system", "revolutionise
the NHS [National Health Service] with private care", and
"tackle crime".
Such claims are necessary if the media are to maintain the
pretence that the body politic remains in good health, despite
the growing gulf between rich and poor under Labour. Britain's
ruling elite also intends them as a warning shot across Blair's
bows. The Conservative Party has little chance of winning a general
election next Springhaving barely registered any improvement
in its electoral fortunes since being decimated at the polls in
1997. Big business calculates that even with a much-reduced turnout
by ordinary working people on polling day, Blair is likely to
be returned. However they are seeking to spell out as plainly
as possible just what they expect from a second term Labour government.
See Also:
Britain: Labour Party conference
pleases big business
[29 September 2000]
Britain
[WSWS Full Coverage]
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