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Acquittal of New York City police: court sanctions murder
of Amadou Diallo
How the trial was rigged
By the Editorial Board
28 February 2000
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The not guilty verdicts announced February 25 in the police
killing of Amadou Diallo were both outrageous and predictable.
The four copsSean Carroll, Edward McMellon, Kenneth Boss
and Richard Murphyhad told the Albany, New York jury that
Diallo's death was a tragic accident. Approaching him in plainclothes
on his own Bronx doorstep, Sean Carroll thoughtso he told
the jurythat the wallet the West African immigrant had taken
out of his pocket was a gun. He warned his partners, and the fusillade
began.
The jury decided that no crime had been committed, not even
manslaughter or criminally negligent homicide, in the killing
of this unarmed man who had done nothing to provoke arrest, much
less a shooting in which 41 bullets were fired. Clearly the very
presence of Amadou Diallo on the street in a poor working class
neighborhood was provocation enough to the police, members of
the New York Police Department (NYPD) Street Crime Unit, whose
job was to fill quotas for arrests and the confiscation of guns,
and whose slogan was We own the night.
The outrageous verdict was the product of careful preparations
by the judicial system to ensure that the jury reached the correct
decision. The stage was set when an appeals court panel ruled
last December that the trial of the four officers had to be moved
to Albany, 150 miles north of New York City. The judges said in
their decision that the cops could not get a fair trial in the
city. They perversely likened the Bronx to a totalitarian
society because, they claimed, widespread anger at police
brutality constituted impermissible pressure for a conviction
in what would amount to a "show trial." This Orwellian
statement equated public outrage over government misconduct with
its opposite, government suppression of democratic rights.
The change of venue was followed by the appointment of Judge
Joseph Teresi to preside over the case in Albany. Teresi's actions
during the trial were calculated to deliver to the jury a virtual
mandate to acquit. After first ensuring that an integrated jury
was selected so that the eventual outcome could not be challenged
on the basis of racial discrimination, he repeatedly handed down
rulings during the trial that strengthened the defense case. This
culminated in his four-hour charge to the jury, in which he elaborated
three separate legal justifications for the police. So determined
was Teresi to exonerate the cops that he told the jury they could
find them not guilty if they thought they were preventing a robbery,
although there was absolutely no evidence to suggest this.
The judge's instructions to the jury on the justification of
self-defense made it clear that whether or not Diallo posed any
threat to the police was beside the point. They only had to conclude
that the cops fired out of a subjective fear that he did, and
that a "reasonable person" could share such a fear.
He invited the 12 men and women to "put yourselves in the
officers' shoes."
The effect of this legal theory was to wipe out any objective
criteria for determining whether a homicide, or even manslaughter,
had been committed. The cops said that Diallo's frantic attempt
to get his wallet out of his pants pocket made them fear for their
lives, and this was deemed sufficient to acquit them of any wrongdoing.
Just hours after the jury delivered its verdict, Judge Teresi,
on his own initiative, visited the police officers' attorneys
at a bed-and-breakfast where they were staying, thanking them
for their "cooperation" and assuring them they would
be welcome back in his Albany court any time. He made no similar
gesture toward either the prosecution or Diallo's parents.
The Bronx district attorney's office also played a key role
in the outcome of the trial, by conducting a prosecution so half-hearted
as to signal to the jury that it did not believe in its own case.
The prosecutors allowed the defense to present the police version
of the shooting and refused to conduct an aggressive cross-examination
of the officers, each of whom took the witness stand.
The prosecution presented the driest and most abstract case
imaginable, refusing until the summation to even ask the jurors
to put themselves in the position of Diallo as he was confronted
by four armed men, whom he may very well have taken to be muggers.
Most damning was the prosecution's silence in response to the
defense case. It refused to cross-examine the defense's final
witness, a police expert who testified that the police were not
guilty and had done nothing wrong. Nor did the prosecution seek
to rebut any of the defense case.
The reason for the prosecution's behavior is not difficult
to fathom. The defendants were not charged with sadistic acts
clearly unrelated to any police investigation and impossible to
whitewash on grounds of self-defense, such as the beating and
sodomizing of Abner Louima in a Brooklyn stationhouse bathroom
in 1997 or the choking death of Anthony Baez after his football
hit a police cruiser in the Bronx in 1994.
The guilt of these four cops stemmed directly from the job
they carried out as members of the Street Crime Unit. The top
police brass, the administration of Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, and
the rest of the political establishment could have been labeled
unindicted co-conspirators in the killing of Diallo. The frenzied
law-and-order campaign over the past decade, including the criminalization
of the poor and the racial profiling of black and
Hispanic youth and workers, is at the root of this murder.
The district attorney's office was not about to expose its
own role and the system it represents. The result was a case in
which the main witness was dead and his killers presented their
side of the story with almost no opposition.
See Also:
The Amadou Diallo case: The social and
political roots of police violence
[28 February 2000]
Amadou Diallo murder trial drawing to
a close
[22 February 2000]
Trial begins in New York police killing
of Amadou Diallo
[9 February 2000]
Inequality and
police brutality in New York City
The social underpinnings of the murder of Amadou Diallo
[12 March 1999]
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