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WSWS : Workers
Struggles : North
America : Auto
workers
One year since Dearborn, Michigan explosion
New revelations expose company-union complicity in fatal blast
at US Ford plant
"They decided to put profits over safety"
By Jerry White
4 February 2000
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this version to print
Tuesday, February 1 was the first anniversary of the explosion
at the Ford Rouge power plant in Dearborn, Michigan that killed
six auto workers and injured dozens of others. The occasion was
marked by a memorial at the United Auto Workers (UAW) Local 600
union hall, attended by hundreds of UAW members, including at
least a dozen of the 34 survivors of the blast, some still recovering
from severe burns and other injuries. Throughout the Rouge complex,
including the Ford auto and Rouge Steel facilities, workers held
two minutes of silence for the deceased workers.
At 1:02 PM last February 1, gas inside the No. 6 boiler at
the power plant ignited, causing a massive explosion and fire
ball that ripped through the facility. The blast threw workers
to the ground and fire seared through the clothing and skin of
many. Donald Harper, 58, who was working on the 60-foot tall boiler,
was killed instantly. Over the next three weeks, five othersWarren
Blow, 51; Ron Moritz and Ken Anderson, 44; Cody Boatwright, 51;
and John Arseneau, 45died from their injuries.
In his remarks at Tuesday's ceremony, UAW Local 600 President
Jerry Sullivan kept silent about well-publicized evidence that
Ford ignored warnings of hazardous conditions at the power plant
prior to the explosion. Instead, he joined Ford CEO Jac Nasser
and other company officials in promoting the claim that the tragedy
was an unavoidable accident.
Jim Padilla, Ford's vice-president for manufacturing operations,
told the audience, Not a day goes by this past year that
I haven't asked myself what we could have done differently, how
we could have prevented this tragedy that disrupted and devastated
so many lives.
In reality, there is an increasing body of evidence that the
disasterthe deadliest in the history of the US auto industrywas,
at the very least, the result of criminal negligence, and quite
possibly a case of corporate manslaughter. Recent information,
based on thousands of pages of documents released to local newspapers
by Michigan and Dearborn investigators, demonstrates that Ford
management was well aware of the potential for disaster, but made
a calculated decision not to spend the money needed to improve
safety conditions.
The documents also reveal that UAW officials ignored safety
grievances filed by powerhouse workers complaining of antiquated
and dangerous equipment, including the very boiler that exploded.
Ford and its law firm asked the state to withhold or censor these
documents, claiming they contained trade secrets.
The Detroit News reported January 28 that Ford and Rouge
Steel, the co-owners of the power plant, rejected the repeated
advice of independent auditors over a twelve-year period to install
new safety equipment. In 1987, Ford hired Black & Veatch,
an engineering firm, to study the boilers and their fuel sources.
The firm's recommendations included replacing the boiler controls
at a cost of $10.2 million, a figure that was subsequently reduced
to $7 million.
But a Ford memo to the powerhouse's operating committee warned:
Once the boilers are upgraded, the 'grandfather clause'
will no longer be applicable and that (sic) all present safety
standards will have to be met. In other words, the company
used a legal loophole that allowed it to avoid national safety
standards because of the age and condition of its machinery. If
it had upgraded the boilers, as its engineering firm recommended,
it would have had to spend tens of millions of dollars improving
safety equipment throughout the plant.
State officials now say Ford had already lost any exemption
from the latest standards because in 1987 it modified Boiler No.
6 to let it fire with natural gas in six of the twelve burners.
They should have upgraded the boilers to comply with national
standards, said Chuck Lorish of the Michigan Occupational
Safety and Health Administration (MIOSHA). In August of 1990 Ford
and Rouge Steel rejected Black & Veatch's recommendations,
and instead commissioned another study.
State and local investigators also discovered that six months
after Boiler No. 6 was installed in 1966, two safety devices were
deactivated because Ford engineers said they were not working
correctly and caused production delays. One was a burner control
designed to detect if the flame in the firebox went out while
the boiler was operating. The other was an automatic ignition
system that would light the natural gas pilots and prevent gas
from flowing, in case the pilots failed to light. The deactivated
automatic ignition system also had a purge cycle, which removed
excess gas from the building before lighting. State investigators
have concluded that a build up of natural gas in Boiler No. 6
caused the explosion.
In 1990 another firm hired by Ford, Industrial Risk Insurers,
recommended using combustion controls and venting. Those recommendations
were repeated in 1996, 1997 and 1998. Ford commissioned another
study by Sargent & Lundy in February 1998, which also recommended
replacing the boiler controls. Clearly, the accident wouldn't
have happened, if they had followed those steps, Lorish
said.
Many powerhouse workers were convinced management had decided
not to invest any more in the aging facility because it was scheduled
to be replaced with a new power house in the year 2000. An attorney
for four of the victims, Christopher Drouillard, said, Ford did
the math, and they decided to put profits over safety.
Interviews with powerhouse workers
In interviews conducted by state investigators that were recently
released to the Detroit Free Press, powerhouse workers
provided detailed accounts about conditions in the facility prior
to the explosion. One of the factors they pointed to was the inches-thick
coal dust that coated beams, ledges and machinery, the result
of years of cutbacks in overtime and the number of cleaners. This
is of particular importance because an independent consultant
hired by the state said coal dust caused a large secondary explosion
and a ball of fire after the initial blast.
The interviews show that management, along with UAW officials,
ignored the workers' warnings. Three of the six men killed in
the explosion had filed health and safety grievances prior to
the blast. The state files include a copy of the grievance which
John Arseneau, a pipefitter who died in the explosion, filed in
1995, citing leaking valves on Boiler No. 6.
Other workers cited leaky valves and complained that valves
were difficult to turn. Workers also said it was hard to determine
what position the valves were in. An engineering firm hired by
the state said these problems may have contributed to the blast.
State and local investigators blamed the accident on a maintenance
error that left open a natural gas valve as the boiler was being
shut for routine service. But if the valves were in poor condition,
it is possible the workers could not tell that one was left open.
Workers also complained of a lack of training in shutting the
huge boiler. Supervisors weren't required to check the valves
after they were closed. The danger tags employees were supposed
to use to flag valves, indicating their open status, were rarely
used. Some old tags had been left in place, causing confusion.
Equipment manuals were given to employees only upon request, and
the last one had been handed out in 1997.
Ford has never provided boiler training, said one
worker. Another said, It was not uncommon for employees
to refuse to do unsafe jobs, but supervisors always found someone
else to do it. Another added, It took a long time
to get things fixed, even items that dealt with safety.
The state conducted more than 175 worker interviews. In many
of them, Ford and UAW officials sat in with the state investigators
as the workers were questioned in offices at the Rouge complex.
In one interview with an employee, Ford attorney Robert Gompar
asked for a break in the questioning. He then accompanied the
employee to the bathroom where he talked with him before the interview
resumed.
The documents shed further light on how Ford and Rouge Steel
sought to disrupt or influence the course of the state's investigation.
The two companies were in charge of the scene of the explosion
and the evidence from the beginning. A Washington, DC-based law
firm hired by Ford to protect it from liability lawsuits controlled
the library of evidence.
Investigators publicly complained that the law firm was withholding
evidence needed to complete their inquiry. Recent documents also
showed that Fire Marshal Rick Polcyn, an investigator from the
city of Dearbornwhere Ford is the major employerblamed
the explosion on worker error as early as March, before all of
the tests and interviews had been conducted.
The UAW's role
The damning evidence against Ford is also an indictment of
the UAW. Under the Ford-UAW national contract the union operates
joint labor-management safety committees. This automatically makes
it at least partially responsible for the conditions at the power
plant. In practice, the union ignored the safety complaints of
the workers and did little or nothing to correct dangerous conditions.
That the UAW failed to protect its members at Rouge cannot
come as a surprise to anyone who is familiar with its role, particularly
over the past two decades. In the name of its corporatist partnership
with the auto companies, the union has abandoned any genuine shop
floor representation and openly collaborated with the companies'
cost-cutting and downsizing measures. Over the past twenty years
Ford has eliminated tens of thousands of jobs, shut down scores
of plants and sharply increased productivity. This enabled Ford
to earn $7.2 billion dollars last year, the highest profits ever
recorded by an auto company.
UAW officials rushed to Ford's defense after the Rouge tragedy.
Within hours of the explosion, Ron Gettelfinger, UAW international
vice-president in charge of the union's Ford department, praised
the company, saying that the power station was among the best
run plants in the Ford system. "It was a safe facility, there's
no question about that," he told the Detroit News
last February . "That's why this is so perplexing
to us."
From the beginning the union officials' concern was not to
uncover the truth about the explosion, but rather to protect the
company from exposure to liability claims, and conceal their own
complicity in the hazardous conditions that ultimately led to
the tragedy.
Last September the UAW was a party in an agreement with Michigan's
Consumer & Industry Services (CIS) Department that allowed
Ford to pay a $7 million settlement, in exchange for admitting
no fault and avoiding a criminal investigation. Normally, in cases
involving fatalities and willful violations, the CIS refers companies
to the Michigan attorney general for possible criminal prosecution.
Terry Cline, who narrowly escaped the explosion, said recently,
How can you make a deal where six people are killed and
you don't get prosecuted? The thing that bothers me is they've
walked away from it. Five million, seven million, whatever the
hell it is. That's pocket change to them.
Significantly, as part of the settlement with the state of
Michigan, Ford agreed to give the UAW more than $1 million to
set up a joint Ford-UAW scholarship fund and other programs. Many
workers might, with justification, consider this a payoff for
the union's role in protecting the identity of those responsible
for the deaths and injuries of the Rouge workers.
See Also:
UAW officials take an auto worker for
a ride
[4 February 2000]
Explosion at US Ford
plant: report exposes corporate negligence and union complicity
[11 September 1999]
Day after explosion
at Ford Rouge plant in Michigan
Auto workers raise concerns that fatal blast was linked to unsafe
conditions
[3 February 1999]
The UAW and the Rouge
explosion:
A pat on the head from the Detroit News
[6 February 1999]
The Ford Rouge
disaster
US auto industry profits rise along with injuries and deaths in
factories
[4 March 1999]
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