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Reform Party in US lines up behind ultra-rightist Patrick
Buchanan
By Patrick Martin
17 February 2000
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Last weekend's upheaval in the Reform Partythe ouster
of Chairman Jack Gargan, the takeover by supporters of right-wing
presidential candidate Patrick Buchanan, and the resignation of
Minnesota Governor Jesse Venturamarks a major turning point
in the political trajectory of this organization.
Only six months ago, at the Reform Party convention in Dearborn,
Michigan, Ventura was hailed as the party's new star
and Gargan, Ventura's personal choice, was elected party chairman
over two other candidates considered closer to the party's founder,
Texas billionaire H. Ross Perot. But at a meeting of the party's
executive committee Saturday in Nashville, Tennessee, Gargan was
removed from office by an overwhelming vote. The day before, Ventura
held a press conference where he announced he was quitting the
party and urged the Minnesota state Reform Party to break with
the national group.
The immediate cause of the breakup in the Reform Party is the
conflict over the party's presidential nomination, which has raged
since Buchanan ended his third bid for the Republican nomination
last October and announced he was shifting his efforts to the
Reform Party, whose nomination will provide a place on the ballot
in many states and $12.6 million in federal funds for the general
election campaign.
Buchanan's candidacy has had the tacit support of Perot, who
ran for president as an independent in 1992 and as the candidate
of the Reform Party in 1996. Buchanan announced his decision to
leave the Republican Party and seek the Reform Party nomination
for president in 2000 after consultations with the Texas billionaire.
Perot's 1996 running mate Patrick Choate agreed to serve as
co-chairman of Buchanan's campaign, and Buchanan began efforts
to place his own name on the ballot in states where Reform does
not have ballot status.
Ventura and Gargan opposed Buchanan's candidacy, suggesting
a series of alternatives less closely identified with extreme-right
politics, ranging from former Connecticut Senator and Governor
Lowell Weicker to real estate billionaire Donald Trump. In the
end, none of these potential candidates agreed to make the race.
Trump flirted with the idea publicly for several months, but after
Saturday's political coup in Nashville he made a public announcement
that he was no longer interested.
For several months the struggle over the nomination was fought
out by proxy, in a conflict within the Reform Party executive
committee over where the party's presidential nominating convention
would be held. Ventura and Gargan favored St. Paul, Minnesota,
where their supporters would likely be in the majority. Perot's
adherents, who held a majority on the executive committee, proposed
Long Beach, Californiaabout as far from Minnesota as it
is possible to be in the continental US.
The struggle came to a head after Gargan actually took office
January 1, succeeding longtime Perot political aide Russell Verney.
A January 9 conference call of the executive committee voted 7-4
to overrule Gargan on the location of the convention and summoned
a meeting of the National Committee for Nashville. This meeting
convened Saturday in an atmosphere of heavy-handed intimidation,
with police standing by, threatening to arrest Gargan and his
supporters if they disrupted the proceedings.
The National Committee voted first to remove Gargan as chairman
of the meeting, and then, by a margin of 109-31, to remove him
from office altogether. Two officers aligned with Perot, Vice
Chairman Gerry Moan and Secretary Jim Mangia, retained their positions,
but Treasurer Ronn Young, a Gargan supporter, was also removed
from office. Young filed suit the next day in US District Court,
seeking the party's financial records, which he says were never
turned over to him by his predecessors, who are loyal to Perot.
Gargan was replaced as national chairman by Choate, confirming
that the Reform Party is now firmly under the control of Perot
and Buchanan. Choate immediately downplayed any conflict between
Buchanan's extreme-right views on social issues such as abortion
and homosexuality and the more libertarian positions previously
taken by the Reform Party and Perot personally. He has a
personal belief on the issue of abortion, Choate said of
Buchanan. We understand where he is, he understands where
we are and we accept his position.
According to Choate, undoubtedly after consulting with Perot,
Buchanan was acceptable as a presidential candidate because he
opposed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the
World Trade Organization, and backed the Reform Party's position
on campaign finance reform. "Because of us, this year there
will be a real debate over trade, over globalism, over illegal
immigration, over our foreign entanglements and over real political
reform, he declared.
The coming together of Perot and Buchanan has sinister implications
for American politics, and follows an international pattern, which
has seen the emergence of extreme-right-wing demagogues like Austria's
Joerg Haider, Jean-Marie Le Pen in France, Preston Manning in
Canada and Pauline Hanson in Australia.
Such reactionary political formations have come to the fore
within a definite political context. In country after country,
the trade unions and the old social democratic and Labor parties
have abandoned any struggle in defense of jobs, living standards
or social benefits. They have jettisoned their old reformist policies
and adapted themselves to the right-wing, free market
consensus of international capital.
Masses of middle-class and working people find themselves without
any representation, even in the most limited form, within the
orbit of the traditional bourgeois and social democratic parties.
In the absence of a genuine socialist alternative with substantial
organizational support among workers, political disorientation
prevails within wide layers of the population. In the resulting
political vacuum, extreme right-wing elements have been able to
seize on social grievances and exploit them, in large measure
by scapegoating minorities and immigrants and whipping up nationalism.
Buchanan, a longtime political operative on the right wing
of the Republican Party, is seeking to tap into the alienation
of broad layers of the US population with the Democrats and Republicans,
and build a base for a party even to the right of the Republicans.
His alignment with Perot is by no means accidental.
Perot has long had close personal connections to far-right
elements, especially those from the milieu of the military and
intelligence agencies, going back to his efforts to promote the
search for POWs allegedly missing from the Vietnam War. Perot's
1992 and 1996 campaigns were not overtly based on an extreme right
program, however. Rather, behind the vague slogan of reform,
they focused on such issues as political corruption and influence
peddling in Washington. At the same time, Perot made economic
nationalism a centerpiece of his platform, waging a highly-publicized
campaign against NAFTA from a protectionist standpoint and winning
the support of sections of the trade union bureaucracy.
Perot's United We Stand movement, which became the Reform Party
in the 1996 elections, has always represented in embryo a movement
of the extreme right. From its origins, the Reform Party was a
capitalist party, criticizing the corruption of the Democrats
and Republicans and opposing their political monopoly, but offering
no substantive programmatic alternative. Meanwhile, Perot's focus
on economic nationalism paved the way for the Reform Party to
embrace the American chauvinism and anti-immigrant racism espoused
by Buchanan.
In the week before the Nashville meeting Buchanan was noisily
parading his right-wing views. He was praised byand did
not disavowformer Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke, who announced
February 6 that he was prepared to quit the Republican Party,
where he serves as chairman of the largest congressional district
organization in Louisiana, and join the Reform Party in support
of Buchanan's candidacy.
Buchanan took the occasion of a campaign appearance in Richmond,
Virginia two days later to denounce the diplomatic boycott of
Austria in response to the entry of Haider's Freedom Party into
the Austrian government. I do not see any threat to Europe
or the world or anywhere from Mr. Haider or that coalition government
sitting in Vienna, Buchanan said. But it is an indication,
I think, that any candidate of the right can expect universal
hostilities.
Haider has become notorious for his public praise of the orderly
employment policy of the Nazis and the courage
and discipline of Hitler's Waffen SS (which enlisted
many Austrians during World War II). His Freedom Party focuses
on opposition to the European Union and scapegoating immigrant
workers for the social and economic problems of Austria. To Buchanan,
that makes Haider a political soul-mate. He is an opponent
of their whole global new world order, Buchanan said of
the Austrian demagogue.
At his February 11 press conference announcing his withdrawal
from the Reform Party, Jesse Ventura denounced Buchanan, saying,
"I can't stay in a party that will have Pat Buchanan as its
nominee and is getting David Duke's support." He called Buchanan
an "anti-abortion extremist and unrealistic isolationist."
Minnesota Reform Party state chairman Rick McCluhan said he plans
to ask the state central committee to call a convention March
4 to vote on disaffiliation from the national party.
But the Minnesota Governor offered no alternative to the ultra-right
politics of Buchanan other than lining up behind the Democratic
and Republican parties. At his news conference he praised Al Gore's
record as vice president, George Bush's record as Texas governor,
and John McCain's efforts on campaign finance reform, suggesting
that any one of them might get his support for the US presidency.
See Also:
Buchanan turns to
the Reform Party: a new stage in the breakup of the US two-party
system
[18 September 1999]
US Reform Party convention:
political confusion and right-wing nostrums
[28 July 1999]
US Elections
& Politics
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