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After the airline hijack ends, India steps up its verbal attacks
on Pakistan
By Peter Symonds
5 January 2000
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The hijacking of Indian Airlines Flight 814 ended last Friday
with the freeing of 155 hostages in exchange for the release of
three Kashmiri separatists held in Indian jails. But the political
repercussions within India and throughout the subcontinent are
far from over. The eight-day standoff at Kandahar airport in Afghanistan
has provoked sharp criticisms of the Indian government of Prime
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee by opposition parties and the media,
and further heightened tensions between India and Pakistan.
Immediately after the end of the siege, India stepped up its
verbal attacks on Pakistan. On Saturday, Foreign Minister Jaswant
Singh said that there were sufficient indications
to believe that Pakistan was behind the hijacking, claiming that
during negotiations the hijackers had been consulting with a third
force. Singh pledged that India's fight against terrorism
would continue and the hijack would be retributed and justice
sought.
The following day, Brajesh Mishra, National Security Advisor
to the prime minister, said on the Star TV network that India
had clear evidence to prove Pakistan's involvement.... the
Pakistani establishment is certainly responsible for this.
He repeated claims that the hijackers were Pakistani nationals,
that two of the three prisoners exchanged by India for the hostages
were Pakistani-nationals, and that the group, after leaving the
plane, was heading towards Pakistan.
But Mishra failed to offer any firm proof of the Pakistan government's
participation in the hijacking, simply referring to further evidence
including Indian intelligence intercepts of conversations between
Kashmiri separatist groups within Kashmir itself. Few details
were provided and no transcript of the electronic intercepts has
been so far released.
Pakistan's Foreign Minister Abdul Sattar dismissed the Indian
allegations as trumped-up charges and retorted said
that India itself had an abhorrent record of state terrorism.
Indian security forces seeking to stamp out Kashmiri separatist
groups have a long record of torture, disappearances and abuse
of democratic rights in the Indian-controlled state of Jammu and
Kashmir. He reiterated that Pakistan had condemned the hijacking
and would arrest the hijackers if they entered its territory.
Vajpayee turned up the political temperature another notch
on Monday by directly accusing Pakistan of orchestrating the hijacking
and calling for it to be branded as a terrorist state. All
the information now available with the government about the hijack
makes it clear that it was an integral part of the Pakistan-backed
campaign of terrorism, he said. Pakistan's active
and sustained role in fomenting terrorism in India is now too
obvious to be overlooked by the international community. India
therefore, strongly urges major nations of the world to declare
Pakistan a terrorist state.
In particular, Vajpayee urged the Clinton administration to
take the initiative in isolating Pakistan. He is no doubt seeking
to capitalise on a discernable shift in US relations towards India
during the crisis last year, precipitated by the occupation of
key strategic positions in the Kargil area of Kashmir by Pakistan-backed
militia. Washington put considerable pressure on Islamabad to
pull its forces out of the area and since then has sought, through
a number of high-level meetings, to forge a closer relationship
with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led coalition government
in India.
While the Clinton administration has ruled out designating
Pakistan a terrorist state, it has already held discussions with
India over security matters including the activities of the Saudi
billionaire Osama bin Ladan, who is alleged to have masterminded
the bombing of US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998. During
the hijacking crisis, US intelligence agencies provided India
with information about various Kashmiri separatist groups.
Indian opposition to the hijacking trade-off
The primary reason for Vajpayee's strident attack on Pakistan
is to deflect criticisms at home, including within the BJP, over
the exchange arranged with the hijackers. The Statesman
newspaper in India reported over the weekend that Home Minister
L.K. Advani had expressed his severe displeasure over
the tradeoff and had offered to resign, but had been talked into
remaining in his post. Both Vajpayee and Advani have since played
down rumours of dissension within the BJP's ranks as the government
has come under pressure.
During the siege, the families of hostages staged a number
of protests in New Delhi to demand a deal be reached that would
guarantee the safe release of their relatives. In the aftermath
of the crisis, the opposition parties and the media have intensified
their condemnation of the government for failing to take tougher
action.
V.R. Raghavan, a former Director-General of Military Operations,
writing in the Hindu on Tuesday described the outcome as
a major success for international terrorism, saying
it would bring more individuals fired by the jehadic spirit
to the terrorist cause. Other elements within India with a sense
of deprivation, and disgruntled with the state's apathy to their
needs, will be encouraged by the success of terrorism.
Like others, he berated the government for failing to prevent
the aircraft from leaving Indian soil when it landed briefly for
refueling at Amritsar. Both control over the situation and
the major advantage of a quick, armed response were lost. It could
not, thereafter, mount an armed action to storm the aircraft and
free the hostages, which could have been easily done on Indian
soil.
The Indian Express in its editorial on Monday entitled
Dancing with the Wolves commented on the BJP's failure
to live up to their own hard-line rhetoric and jingoism. For
the Vajpayee government, that had always trumpeted its commitment
to fighting terrorism with an almost Churchillian rhetoric, the
surrender at Kandahar comes as a reversal. Suddenly the words
of yesterday like zero tolerance for terrorism,' 'an Indian
century,' 'India as a hard state,' have come to mock it today
at the beginning of a new era. Not only does it now have to stomach
the Opposition's wrath laced in irony, it finds its cardinal foreign
policy positions in disarray now that the force of circumstances
have compelled it to make an uneasy truce with the Taliban.
As during the Kargil crisis, some of the most vehement attacks
on the BJP government came from the so-called left leaderships
of India's Stalinist parties: the Communist Party of India (CPI)
and the Communist Party of India Marxist (CPI-M). The parties
have condemned the BJP from the right, accusing it of undermining
the Indian national interests, of kowtowing to the Islamic fundamentalist
Taliban regime in Afghanistan, and of subverting the operations
of the Indian military in Kashmir itself.
Lining up with those who sought a commando operation to storm
the aircraft, CPI General Secretary A.B. Bardhan said that the
government could not shrug off the bungling at Amritsar.
The government landed itself into a situation in which it
had to yield to the hijackers' demand for the release of some
of the most notorious terrorists.
CPI-M Secretary Harkishan Singh Surjeet accused the prime minister
of a cover-up and has demanded a high-level independent
inquiry to uncover the facts and fix responsibility
for the blunder. He said that Vajpayee had phoned
him in Calcutta on Friday to invite him to an all-party meeting
but had said nothing about the deal. The overall interests
of the nation had been ignored while releasing the
militants.
In comments reported in the Hindu, Surjeet branded the
decision as a big betrayal of the cause of Kashmir.
Fully supporting the repressive measures used by the Indian military
in Jammu and Kashmir, he said that the release of the three militants
in return for the freeing of the hostages would have a debilitating
effect on the security environment in Kashmir and undo the efforts
to curb militancy in the state.
One little publicised fact is that the three prisonersMasood
Azhar, Ahmed Umar Saeed Sheikh and Mushtaq Ahmed Zargarreleased
in exchange for the hostages had never been tried or found guilty
of any crime in an Indian court. They had all been held without
trial for lengthy periods for their alleged connections to the
armed Kashmiri separatist group Harkat-ul-Mujahadeen.
Under India's draconian security legislation, the police and
military are effectively able to round up and imprison suspects
indefinitely. The Public Safety Act allows for two-year detention
without trial. However if detainees are due to be released, fresh
charges are concocted and the prisoner is re-arrested
before ever being set free. Others are still being held under
the Terrorism and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA),
even though it lapsed in May 1995. According to an editorial in
the Hindu, there are still as many as 4,958 TADA cases
under trial or investigation throughout India, including 684 in
Jammu and Kashmir.
The hijacking is just the latest incident seized upon by both
the Pakistani and Indian governments as an opportunity to beat
the nationalist drum in order to divert attention from the economic,
political and social crisis within their respective countries.
Ever since the partition of India by the British in 1947 into
a Muslim Pakistan and a Hindu India, governments in both countries
have whipped up nationalist and communalist sentiment to divide
the working class and oppressed masses in order to maintain their
own precarious hold on power.
In the aftermath of the hijacking, tensions within Kashmir
are certain to escalate. On Monday, a land mine exploded in a
vegetable market outside Srinagar killing 17 people and wounding
31 others. Last week heavily armed fighters attacked and occupied
a camp of the Indian security forces' Special Operations Group.
The ongoing war of attrition between Kashmiri separatists and
Indian security forces ensures that Kashmir remains a powder keg,
with the potential to ignite conflict between Pakistan and India
once again.
See Also:
India-Pakistan
Conflict
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