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WSWS : News
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America : The
Brutal Society
The Abner Louima case: three New York cops guilty in cover-up
of torture
By Bill Vann
9 March 2000
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A federal court jury in Brooklyn convicted three New York City
cops March 6 of conspiring to cover up the 1997 stationhouse torture
of Haitian immigrant Abner Louima.
Thomas Weise and Thomas Bruder each face five years in prison
on the charge of conspiracy to obstruct a federal investigation
into the savage assault on Louima. The third cop, Charles Schwarz,
was convicted in a previous trial as an accomplice with Justin
Volpe in torturing the immigrant worker inside the bathroom of
the 70th Precinct in the Flatbush section of Brooklyn.
Volpe, convicted of sodomizing Louima with a broken piece of
a broomstick, tearing a one-inch hole in his rectum and bladder,
was sentenced to 30 years in prison. Schwarz, who was found guilty
of holding Louima down during the attack, faces up to a life sentence.
The three cops greeted the verdict with disbelief and rage.
"They're f-ing liars; this is f-ing bullshit,"
exclaimed Schwarz, who turned his wrath on his lawyer. As he was
taken back into custody he slammed the wall and shouted out other
obscenities. The other two defendants spilled out into the sixth-floor
hallway with family members, other cops and PBA officials, cursing
and crying. Bruder threw things at the wall, while Weise shouted
"I'll f-ing kill you" to someone who tried to
come to the assistance of his mother who fell to the floor, sobbing
hysterically. Court guards, who would have undoubtedly moved to
quell such a disturbance by any other group of convicted criminals,
turned a sympathetic eye to this spectacle.
The city's largest police union, the Patrolmen's Benevolent
Association (PBA), had insisted since the first trial that Schwarz
was wrongly convicted and had vowed to prove his innocence in
the conspiracy trial. Flush with the acquittal of the four Street
Crime Unit cops charged in the shooting of Amadou Diallo, it had
anticipated not-guilty verdicts all around, rather than an across-the-board
conviction in this case.
Unlike the first Louima trial, where all of the cops remained
mute, Schwarz took the stand in his own defense and Volpe was
also brought from prison to testify that it had been Weise, not
Schwarz, who was with him in the bathroom during his torture of
the immigrant worker.
The jury, however, appeared to find both accounts implausible.
While much of the prosecution's case was circumstantial, including
records of phone calls made between the defendants and from them
to their alleged co-conspirators among both present and former
officials in the PBA, the conflicting and changing stories told
by the cops could not be concealed by the defense. Schwarz himself
claimed, unbelievably, that he was unaware of the nature of the
attack on Louima, even after Police Department Internal Affairs
Bureau (IAB) investigators swarmed over the precinct. Under a
withering cross-examination, he answered question after question
with the claim that he could not remember.
In the earlier trial, cops testified that Volpe had made no
secret of his depraved attack. Rather he paraded through the stationhouse
with the stick in his hand, and bragged how he had "broken
a man down."
New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani and the New York Police Department
both tried to claim the Louima case as the "exception that
proves the rule"; a handful of rogue cops who had been brought
to justice because of testimony given by other police officers
and the work of the IAB.
In fact, the police investigation was forced by front-page
news stories that were generated by an emergency room nurse who
contacted the media about Louima's horrific injuries. Cops who
testified against Volpe, Schwarz and the other two officers were
themselves complicit in the cover-up until it became clear that
criminal indictments were imminent. In reality, the obstruction
of justice charge would have been applicable to, at the very least,
the scores of cops on duty from the time Louima was arrested until
he was loaded into an ambulance at the 70th Precinct, and in all
probability, to higher ups in the department who hoped the scandal
would blow over.
In a more fundamental sense, the stationhouse torture took
place within a definite political and social environment that
has been fostered in New York. The police have been given awesome
powers by a government that is determined to defend the wealth,
privileges and well-being of a small layer of the wealthy by suppressing
the rights of the millions of working class and poor residents,
many of them, like Diallo and Louima, immigrants.
In the trial, the prosecution claimed that Volpe and Schwarz
shared a common motive for assaulting Louima, that of "teaching
him to respect cops" after an evening in which both men had
been struck while dispersing a crowd outside a Haitian nightclub.
This was not just the sentiment of a few out-of-control precinct
bullies, however. It had been nurtured by an administration that
has repeatedly tried to blame the victims of police murder and
brutality for the crimes carried out against them.
Federal prosecutors, however, were at pains to disavow any
connection between the Louima case and the wider phenomenon of
murderous brutality and rampant corruption within the NYPD. US
Attorney Loretta Lynch said that the central lesson of the proceeding
had been that lying about a "fellow officer" was the
worst "betrayal of the badge and the brotherhood." She
said that the verdict helped bring "closure" to the
city. The lead prosecutor, Assistant US Attorney Alan Vinegrad,
brushed aside a reporter's question about the connection of the
case to the widespread cover-up by the NYPD of police brutality,
insisting that it was merely about "three individuals who
lied to protect one of their own."
The trial also exposed the role of the PBA, which provides
a key element of the so-called "Blue Wall of Silence"
under which cops systematically lie about incidents of police
abuse. The practice is so common that, as was reported by the
1994 Mollen Commission, formed to investigate a raging scandal
over brutality and drug-trafficking by police, officers themselves
talk about "testilying" in court.
Called as a hostile witness by the prosecution was Michael
Immitt, a PBA trustee, roughly the equivalent of a business agent,
who chaired a meeting in which the prosecution said the plot was
hatched to lie about Schwarz's presence during the bathroom assault.
Immitt claimed on the stand that he did not know the nature of
the charges the cops were facing, even on the day that the attack
on Louima made banner headlines in the daily papers.
Also called to the stand was Anthony Abate, a former PBA 70th
Precinct delegate who was fired from the Police Department for
using racial slurs against a black cop and lying about an obscenity-laced
tongue-lashing he had given a young female officer after she tried
to deliver a lecture on domestic violence at the stationhouse.
Asked about scores of phone calls made to him by the officers
involved in Louima's arrest after revelations of his ordeal first
surfaced, he claimed that his only role had been to lend the cops
"a sympathetic ear."
Weise succeeded Abbate as a precinct delegate, while Volpe's
brother also held that post in the union. This was hardly the
first case of union delegates being implicated in cases of extreme
brutality. Francis X. Livoti, a Bronx cop, was jailed on federal
civil rights charges for the December 1994 strangling death of
Anthony Baez, whose crime was that he allowed his football to
strike Livoti's patrol car.
See Also:
Louima trial: New York
cop pleads guilty to immigrant's torture
[31 May 1999]
Acquittal of New York City
police: court sanctions murder of Amadou Diallo
How the trial was rigged
[28 February 2000]
The Amadou Diallo case: The
social and political roots of police violence
[28 February 2000]
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