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The US election
Democrats, liberals retreat in the face of Republican provocations
By Patrick Martin
25 November 2000
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In the ongoing conflict over the presidential election, the
Republicans and the extreme right speak the language of war and
bloodshed. The Democrats whine about the need for uniting the
country and avoiding a divisive struggle. In a street fight between
determined fascists and timid liberals, the outcome can be foreseennot
because the ultra-right enjoys genuine popular supportfar
from itbut because their liberal opponents have largely
abandoned the field.
The ferocity of the Republicans was on display Wednesday in
Miami, when Republican Party operatives and Cuban fascists mobilized
a mob to intimidate the county election board into abandoning
the hand recount of presidential votes. The same groups shifted
their field of action to neighboring Broward County Thursday and
Friday, seeking to forestall the counting of many hundreds of
Gore votes that were missed in the initial machine tally.
Republican Party spokesmenfrom presidential candidate
George W. Bush, to his representative James Baker, to congressional
leaders in Washington, to Florida state officials in Tallahasseehave
openly declared that a Gore presidency would be the illegitimate
result of a stolen election, despite the fact that
Gore won the national popular vote by a clear margin and still
leads in electoral votes, pending the decision in Florida.
Their most rabid supporters in the media, such as the Wall
Street Journal, have hailed the violence in Miami as proof
that the Republican Party is determined to fight for the presidency
and will not be held back by scruples over legal precedent, democratic
tradition or the right of all citizens to have their votes counted.
Enthusiastically citing the activities of the past several
days, the Journal declared in its editorial of November
24, It's beginning to look a lot like this is not your father's
GOP.
The Republican Party has indeed been transformed over the past
quarter century into a very different species of political animal.
From being the conservative party of big business, committed to
law and order and bourgeois respectability, it has
become the instrument of fundamentalist zealots, racists and neo-fascists,
who see the present election crisis as their opportunity to gain
control of the entire apparatus of the federal governmentadding
the White House to their present narrow margin in Congress and
on the US Supreme Court.
The Democratic Party has undergone a parallel rightward evolution,
with the result that there is little or no enthusiasm among Democratic
officeholders and party officials for a struggle that would require
the mobilization of mass popular support. While the Republicans
were issuing radio appeals for Cuban fascists to storm the Miami-Dade
election board, Democratic Party officials, local and national,
were systematically discouraging demonstrations against the suppression
of tens of thousands of votes in Palm Beach County, telling union
officials and Jesse Jackson to go homewhich they did without
protest.
Top congressional Democrats are visibly weakening in their
support for the Gore campaign, in sharp contrast to the unrestrained
howling from their Republican counterparts. Some, like Senator
John Breaux of Louisiana, are openly telling Gore to throw in
the towel. The American people are starting to turn off
their television sets, said Breaux. And they're starting
to look at the home movie channel. It can backfire if either side
is perceived as dragging this out.
Others, like Senator Robert Torricelli of New Jersey, express
demoralization and gloom, declaring it very unlikely
that Gore will receive enough votes in the hand recount to win
Florida. The math is getting difficult, Torricelli
said. For all of us who want Al Gore to be president, the
decision by Miami-Dade officials [to abandon their hand count
of ballots] was a devastating blow.
A handful of Democratic members of the House of Representatives
called for a federal investigation into the right-wing campaign
to create a climate of fear in Miami, citing press
accounts that strongly suggest these actions were orchestrated
by the Bush campaign. But even this mild protest attracted
only the support of the congressman from Broward County, Peter
Deutsch, and five members of the Congressional Black Caucus.
A joint statement by the two top congressional Democrats, Tom
Daschle and Richard Gephardt, gave only the most perfunctory backing
to Gore, while appealing for a more restrained tone in the election
dispute. All in all, the congressional Democrats give the impression
that they will jump ship as soon as possible and make their peace
with the Bush campaign.
Equally cowardly is the attitude of liberal commentators in
the media, who have by and large confined themselves to a plague
on both your houses approach, bemoaning the increasingly
bitter character of the conflict over Florida's electoral votes.
Two recent items are particularly noteworthy in this respect.
On Friday, the Washington Post published a column by
liberal pundit Richard Cohen, who voted for Gore and criticized
Bush frequently during the election campaign. In his latest column,
Cohen capitulates completely to the right-wing campaign in Florida,
writing, Given the present bitterness, given the angry irresponsible
charges being hurled by both camps, the nation will be in dire
need of a conciliator, a likable guy who will make things better
and not worse. That man is not Al Gore. That man is George W.
Bush.
Cohen combines political idiocy and cowardice. He claims to
be opposed to the present bitterness, but is willing
to concede the presidency to those who are stoking it up, and
even parrots the Republican propagandawhich he knows to
be a liethat Bush in the White House would be a force for
conciliation and unity. The truth is just the opposite: a president
who takes office by means of intimidation and the incitement of
right-wing hysteria cannot be an agent for healing the country.
On Thursday the New York Times published an editorial
that for the first time took note of the violent and anti-democratic
methods of the Bush campaign and its supporters in Florida. The
editorial criticized intemperate Republican rhetoric
and warned that in its efforts to have the Florida state legislature
intervene to overturn the Florida State Supreme Court and name
a slate of Republican electors, the Bush campaign risks
undermining the rule of law and the office he hopes to occupy.
The Times piece was one of a growing number of editorials,
statements and columns expressing the recognition, at least partially,
that what is manifested in the Republican Party's actions goes
beyond the scope of traditional bourgeois politics, and represents
a shift to extra-constitutional measures.
A distinctly fascistic element is emerging. As Walter Shapiro
put it in his column Friday in USA Today: Less than
two years after their failed attempt to oust Bill Clinton from
office, many Republicans are beginning to resemble power-hungry
generals in a tin-pot Latin American republic.
The Socialist Equality Party and the World Socialist Web
Site have consistently exposed the American two-party system
as a political monopoly of big business. The Democratic and Republican
parties both defend the capitalist profit system and the interests
of the top one percent who own the bulk of the wealth in America.
But this fundamental class identity does not mean there are no
important distinctions between the two parties: the Democratic
Party is based on traditional bourgeois-democratic forms of rule,
while the Republican Party is visibly driving towards the imposition
of an authoritarian government which will openly wage war against
the living standards, social benefits and democratic rights of
the American people.
Recognizing such a difference in no way implies political support
for the Democrats. As the presidential crisis makes clear, even
more than the attempted coup d'etat mounted by the Republicans
in the impeachment conspiracy, the Democratic Party is incapable
of conducting a serious struggle against the right-wing threat.
The defense of democratic rights is a task that must be taken
up by the working class through the building of an independent
political movement based on a socialist program.
See Also:
The US election
Anatomy of a right-wing riotthe Republican mob attack in
Miami-Dade
[25 November 2000]
The
Republican right prepares for violence
[24 November 2000]
The
US Elections: Democrats bow to bullying from the Republican right
[23 November 2000]
Hand
recounts in the US elections: fact and fiction
[21 November 2000]
Court
slows Bush grab for power: America at the knife-edge
[18 November 2000]
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