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Bush inaugurated in atmosphere of foreboding
By the Editorial Board
22 January 2001
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George W. Bush was inaugurated as president of the United States
Saturday in a ceremony conducted in a subdued atmosphere. Bush's
brief and defensive speech, the media coverage, the surrounding
protestseven the weather, a day-long cold drizzlegave
the quadrennial ritual a somber character, rather than the usual
mood of celebration.
Bush's speech after he was sworn in as the forty-third president,
while reiterating his right-wing policy agenda and appeals to
religion, was notable for its pessimism. This is unusual in a
presidential inauguration, where the tone normally is one of optimism,
or at least satisfaction after electoral victory. Even in the
depths of the Great Depression, Franklin D. Roosevelt declared
in his inaugural speech, There is nothing to fear but fear
itself.
The only memorable passage in the Bush speech expressed concern
over the lack of legitimacy, not only of his own government, but
of the entire US social system: While many of our citizens
prosper, Bush said, others doubt the promise, even
the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans
are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances
of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it
seems we share a continent, but not a country.
The last remark, whether intentionally or not, is particularly
revealing. It seems to acknowledge the reality that America in
2001 is a deeply divided country, and that the election contest
in Florida is only a precursor of even more bitter conflicts.
Bush enters the White House not only without a mandate, but
having received 600,000 fewer votes than his Democratic opponent
Al Gore. He owes his office to the individual who swore him in
as president, Supreme Court Chief Justice William Rehnquist, leader
of the 5-4 right-wing majority on the high court which handed
Bush victory in Florida and the critical Electoral College margin.
There were reminders of the stolen election throughout the
day: Rehnquist administering the oath of office, Vice President
Al Gore sitting by stolidly, demonstrators along Pennsylvania
Avenue who were certainly louder, if not more numerous, than the
Republican Party supporters who came to cheer the inauguration.
There were chants of Hail to the thief and placards
reading Coup and Selected, not Elected
and Gore by 500,000, Bush by one (a reference to the
margin in the Supreme Court).
Even the crowd attending the inauguration ceremony itself was
divided. The seated spectators, most of them Republican loyalists
invited by Bush, cheered for Rehnquist and the Bush family, but
sat in silence at the entry of Hillary Clinton and Democratic
congressional leaders. The larger crowd beyond the seats, in the
Mall, showed the opposite response, and there were many catcalls
heard for Bush himself.
Bush referred to the need for unity and the danger of division
at several places in his address, but nowhere was there any suggestion
that he would back away from or moderate the right-wing political
agenda on which he ran. He ticked off the main goals: privatization
of education, Medicare and Social Security (all under the label
of reform), an accelerated military buildup, tax cuts.
The last pledgeof a policy whose benefits will go overwhelmingly
to the rich and privilegedwas the only one which evoked
genuine enthusiasm in the guest seats.
Bush sought to paper over the deep social contradictions in
American society with repeated references to religion. In a speech
which lasted barely 14 minutes, there were no less than 10 mentions
of religion, churches and godmore than in the invocation
delivered by the son of evangelist Billy Graham.
There is, of course, ample reason for foreboding in the position
of the incoming administration. It faces a worsening economic
situation, with the prospect of a recession that would rapidly
eliminate the federal budget surplus. An economic downturn would
not only threaten to spark an outright crisis in the financial
markets, it would rapidly expose the tenuous position of millions
of working class and middle class families, without significant
savings and with a social safety net which has been ripped to
shreds over the last two decades.
To say that Bush is unprepared for such a crisis is a gross
understatement. A man who embarked on a full-time political career
only at the age of 48, he takes office with only six years experience
in the largely ceremonial position of governor of Texas. His social
base combines the extremely narrowthe financial elite, and
the extremely unstablethe frenzied right-wing elements who
conducted political warfare for eight years against Clinton.
Bush's emphasis on private charity and faith-based
solutions to social problems underscores that his administration
will be unable and unwilling to deal with a serious social crisis.
Bush revealed the real meaning of his calls for personal
responsibility in his comments on the power blackouts in
California, which he dismissed, ludicrously, as a state problem
of no concern to the federal government.
The right-wing character of Bush's policies was demonstrated
in the first action of the administration, to block or rescind
scores of executive orders and regulations dealing with the environment,
health, food and safety, and workplace conditions that were rushed
through in the final weeks of the Clinton administration.
Bush invocations of civility are absurd coming
from the representative of the political party which carried out
the impeachment vendetta against the Clinton administration and
then hijacked the presidential election in Florida. The vicious
face of the new Republican administration will be demonstrated
soon enough, in the midst of great social convulsions involving
millions of working people.
See Also:
Washington inaugural celebrations: corporate
America welcomes Bush
[20 January 2001]
The Ashcroft nomination: a new stage in
the attack on democratic rights in the United States
[19 January 2001]
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