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WSWS : Correspondence
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Correspondence on global recessionary trends
By Nick Beams
17 March 2001
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Dear Mr. Beams,
We were very much impressed with your article on world economic
recession. There are two questions we would like to ask: In your
opinion, are there any mitigating factors which could slow or
reverse the trendthough in the long run a world recession
is inevitable?
China and the regional economies outside of Japan, which is
part of the G7, are not mentioned. What do you consider the possibility
for the continuation of Chinese development patterns in the light
of a world capitalist recession? Is it possible for China to maintain
a relatively high rate of growth in the process of internal economic
integration and expansion of the national market combined with
their ability to compete in international trade with the capitalist
world? Do we have a new phenomenon as distinct from the Soviet
economic isolation because of its own failure to key its economy
to world trade and investment potentials? In opening to the West,
the Chinese have become an accepted part of the world economy.
But China maintains an independent approach to its own capital
accumulation and allocation and maintains a degree of restriction
over the effect of foreign capital flows in its own overall plans.
In particular, in the event of world capitalist recession, will
the Chinese be in a position to fulfill the new Five-Year Plan
that has been announced?
Sincerely,
SG
Dear SG,
The reason I did not specifically comment on non-Japan Asia
and China in the article on world recession is that trends in
the world economy as a whole are essentially determined by the
situation in the United States, Japan and Europe.
As to the question of whether a world recession is inevitable,
I think the more important issue is to examine the main tendencies
of development. In 1997-98, in the wake of the so-called Asian
financial crisis, there were definite signs of world recession.
That crisis, as we noted, was not so much a product of Asian
factorsrisky bank lending, poor supervision and various
other issues cited at the timebut was the initial expression
in Asia of a growing crisis of the world capitalist economy. That
analysis was borne out in September-October 1998, when the collapse
of the US hedge fund Long Term Capital Management sparked a crisis
in US financial markets requiring emergency intervention by the
Federal Reserve Board.
In 1997-98 there were already definite recessionary signs,
in particular the development of overcapacity in a number of major
industries. In the event, a global recession did not take place,
largely because of the continuing growth of the US economy, which
provided export markets for the Asian economies.
The seeming ease with which the US economy averted a recession
at that time prompted a series of claims that the so-called new
economy, based on increased productivity due to high-tech
innovations, was now immune to the operations of the business
cycle, let alone longer term problems.
While there is no question that high-tech innovations increased
productivity, there were other forces at work in the US boom as
well. In particular, it should be noted that between 1994 and
2000 a private sector financial surplus equivalent to 2 percent
of Gross Domestic Product was transformed into a historically
unprecedented deficit of 5 percent. In other words, US spending
on high-tech business investment, which played a key role in boosting
growth rates, was being financed by increased debt. So great has
been the turnaround that the US now requires an inflow of around
$1 billion per day from the rest of the world to finance its balance
of payments deficit.
This means that world economic growth over the past two or
three years has been boosted by the high-tech US boom, which has
been financed by increasing inflows of capital, attracted by the
prospect of higher profits, and quick gains to be made on the
stock market. This is an inherently unstable situation. We have
seen a rapid about turn over the past months and the re-emergence
of the underlying recessionary tendencies that appeared in 1997-98.
On the actual forecasts, I note that Morgan Stanley Dean Witter
(MSDW), for example, predicts that world GDP growth will slow
from 4.9 percent in 2000 to 2.8 percent in 2001, with risks very
much on the downside.
MSDW chief economist Stephen Roach noted that the predicted
growth compression for the world economy of 2.1 percentage points
will be more severe than 1997-1998, when world growth went from
4.1 percent to 2.6 percent. For the US, MSDW predicts a slowing
of the growth rate to just 0.4 percent in the second quarter of
this year. This would represent a decline of 5.7 percentage points
in a year and would mark the swiftest downshift since the
7.1 percent deceleration seen in the depths of the 1981-82 recessionwidely
considered to be America's worst recession of the post-World War
II era.
The chief factor in the turnaround is the decline in information
technology (IT) growth. Growth rates in this sector averaged around
13 percent per annum in the period 1996-99, before accelerating
to 20 percent in 2000. But in the last quarter of last year IT
growth fell to 7 percent on an annualized basis. The impact of
this drop can be seen from the fact that it is estimated that
over the past five years IT accounted for anywhere between 20
percent and 33 percent of total economic growth in the US.
This decline in the IT sector in the US is having a major impact
on the Asian economies. According to a report in the Financial
Times of March 12, while the decline was expected, its speed
has shocked many of Asia's exporters.
The most recent monthly economic data in non-Japan Asia
show a sudden contraction. Thailand's exports dropped 3.9 percent
in January while China's monthly export growth declined from 20-30
percent in the middle of last year to an increase of only 1 percent.
The report cited estimates by Goldman Sachs that, on a seasonally
adjusted basis, fourth quarter exports in several non-Japan Asian
countries suffered their steepest declines in 15 years over the
previous quarter.
The slowdown in Asian exports, it continued, began
while US GDP growth was still robust because the region's exporters
are tethered more closely to the fortunes of America's IT sector
than ever before, says Sun-Bae Kim, an economist with Goldman
Sachs. Asia is in effect the factory floor for many US IT companies,
producing everything from chips to peripherals; roughly a third
of Korean and Taiwanese exports are electronic goods.
Rapid increases in US technology hardware spending in
1999 and early 2000 increased export growth in Taiwan, Korea and
Singapore by 20-30 percent during that period. But the slowdown
in US electronics orders last year quickly resulted in slower
exports for those countries. Taken together, exports for the three
contracted by 12 percent in the fourth quarter last year compared
with the previous quarter.
As for your specific questions on China, in particular the
recently announced Five-Year Plan, they will be the subject of
a forthcoming article to be posted on the WSWS. Let me
just note at this point that the Chinese economy is completely
dependent on the growth in the world economy as a whole, and above
all on demand from the US. And there are clear warnings from the
Chinese government of the impact the US decline will have.
According to a report from Bloomberg's on March 12: China's
State Economic and Trade Commission Minister Mr Li Rongrong, said
the country's state-run firms would struggle to earn as much as
last year, as slowing US and Japanese economies put a dampener
on export earnings.
Yours sincerely,
Nick Beams
See Also:
Stock markets take a "fundamental"
hit
[14 March 2001]
World economy moving towards recession
[6 March 2001]
Concerns grow behind G-7 official
optimism
[19 February 2001]
Japanese economy continues
to stagnate
[16 February 2001]
Is the US economy on the Japanese
road?
[8 February 2001]
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