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The case of Julie Hiatt Steele: the human cost of the Kenneth
Starr witch-hunt
By David Walsh
9 March 2001
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Julie Hiatt Steele, hounded and prosecuted by Independent Counsel
Kenneth Starr during the Clinton impeachment campaign of 1998-99,
is facing severe financial and personal difficulties arising from
Starr's vendetta against her.
Steele hasn't worked since February 1998, when she submitted
an affidavit in the Paula Jones sexual harassment case undermining
the credibility of Kathleen Willey, a one-time Clinton supporter
who achieved notoriety by going on the Sixty Minutes television
program in March 1998 and accusing Clinton of making unwanted
sexual advances.
Steele lost her employment when the affidavit and her refusal
to go along with Willey's version of events became public knowledge.
Subsequently she became the target of an extraordinary campaign
of prosecutorial terror and intimidation by Starr's office.
Steele was dragged before two grand juries. Her daughter and
brother, as well as a former lawyer and accountant, were also
interrogated. She was forced to turn over tax and bank records,
credit reports and telephone records to Starr's investigators.
Most despicably, the Office of the Independent Counsel threatened
to move against Steele's parental rights, making public the fact
that it was looking into the procedureswhich were, in fact,
entirely legalby which she had adopted her son in Romania.
Ultimately, in January 1999, Starr indicted Steele on three
counts of obstructing justice and one charge of making false statements.
She faced the possibility of 35 years in jail and a one million
dollar fine. Starr's office pursued its legally baseless and vindictive
case against Steele to trial in May 1999. The case ended in a
hung jury and mistrial, a humiliating defeat for Starr. His office
decided not to pursue a retrial.
Starr's conduct toward Steele was of a piece with his legal
attack on other would-be witnesses against the Clintons, including
Susan McDougal, whom he kept in prison for 18 months on contempt
charges. In both cases, Starr used his legal powers to prosecute
and harass people who refused to give testimony that supported
his vendetta against Clinton. Both McDougal and Steele assert
that Starr and his band of legal toughs persecuted them because
they refused to give false testimony as demanded by the Independent
Counsel.
Having run through her savings and unable to work for emotional
and physical reasons since her trial ended, Steele, a divorced
mother of two grown daughters and a 10-year-old son, now faces
the loss of her house in Virginia. She also suffered a broken
leg and knee in an accident at home in September, which left her
immobile until recently.
Steele told a WSWS reporter on March 8: The most
recent thing is that I've just run out of money and credit, and
the house is our anchor, it's all we have left, and it's going
to go. I've lived here 22 years.
Julie Hiatt Steele's sole crime was that, having become entangled
in the web of prurient gossip spun by Starr and his Republican
right co-conspirators, she had the courage and principle to stand
up to the modern day Grand Inquisitor.
In March 1997 her friend Kathleen Willey told Newsweek magazine
reporter Michael Isikoff that Clinton had groped her in the White
House in November 1993. Willey asked Steele to confirm for Isikoff
that she had told Steele of the incident at the time. Steele,
trying to be helpful to a somewhat unstable acquaintance, did
so, off the record and not under oath, without having any idea
the story would go any farther.
When she realized in the summer of 1997 that Isikoff was going
into print with Willey's allegation, Steele told the reporter
the truth, that Willey had never previously mentioned any such
episode involving Clinton. Steele has stuck to the same story
ever since, under withering questioning from Starr's prosecutors,
as well as the FBI.
Steele's insistence that Willey had never told her about a
groping in the White House was an obstacle to the Independent
Counsel's campaign against Clinton. During Clinton's grand jury
deposition in August 1998, one of Starr's underlings questioned
the president about the Willey incident, and Clinton denied that
it had taken place.
Starr could have indicted Clinton on perjury charges if Willey's
claim had been substantiated. Moreover, the Willey story, if proven
true, would have added a new charge to the list of Clinton's alleged
improprieties and strengthened the effort of Congressional Republicans
to remove him from office.
Ms. Steele told the WSWS: They intended to get
me convicted and roll her [Kathleen Willey] back out. The [Paula]
Jones thing was always flimsy. But they could have made this perjury,
because Clinton sat straight up in his chair and leaned forward
and said, That didn't happen [with Willey].' They took an
hour on August 17 [1998] in questioning him about the Willey grope.
To turn it into a perjury charge, they needed to convict me in
order to raise her credibility. They needed to get me out of the
way, so her charge against him would hold. And that was a federal
venue, instead of a civil case, like the Jones case.
Having faced the Starr inquisitors and rejected their attempts
to draw her in, Steele was hounded and financially devastated.
Her present situation stands as a warning to every working person
of the threat to one's rights and very existence embodied in the
right-wing, conspiratorial methods which increasingly characterize
the workings of the American political establishment.
While Steele's situation may be among the most severe, hundreds
of innocent people were harassed, financially and emotionally
devastated, and subjected to cruel and unfair media attention
in Little Rock, Washington and elsewhere. They are the collateral
damage of the right-wing war against the Clinton White House.
As the WSWS explained at the time of Steele's indictment:
The Starr probe, both in its methods and political motivations,
raises the specter of a police state. The systematic abuse of
civil liberties and democratic rights which has characterized
the Starr investigation provides an indication of the type of
governmental regime his political allies in the impeachment drive
are aiming for.
Steele makes clear that the decision by Starr in May 1999 to
drop the case against her was not the end of the ordeal. The media
continued its attacks on her, presenting what Steele describes
as Chatty Kathy Willey week on cable television news
programs, when Willey was given a forum to claim that I
should be in jail, that Starr should come back at me. It was the
most despicable, horrible week I could imagine.
She continues: After the trial in 1999, I came home.
I put a good face on it. I still thought, OK, we won. But I felt
traumatized, violated. I thought I would come home and not be
as isolated as I had been. It really hasn't worked out that way.
The isolation has continued.
See Also:
Starr indicts recalcitrant
witness Julie Hiatt Steele
[9 January 1999]
Julie Hiatt Steele
to fight Starr's indictment
[21 January 1999]
Judge issues gag order
sought by Starr
[2 February 1999]
Julie Hiatt Steele
thanks WSWS for opposing frame-up by Kenneth Starr
[18 February 1999]
Mistrial declared in
Julie Hiatt Steele case
[12 May 1999]
The Impeachment
of Clinton
[WSWS Full Coverage]
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