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WSWS : News
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: Britain
: 2001
Election
Britain's general election: Labour Manifesto sets out privatisation
of health and education
By Julie Hyland
19 May 2001
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Prime Minister Tony Blair launched the Labour Party manifesto
in Birmingham on Wednesday. Labour hopes that Ambitions for
Britain will help win a second term in office, to fulfil what
Blair has described as his 10-year mission to transform Britain.
The 44-page glossy booklet contains the usual banalities designed
to mean all things to all men. It particularly avoids the contentious
issue of Britain's adoption of the single European currency, the
euro, merely repeating Labour's long-standing pledge to hold a
referendum providing "five economic tests are met".
Labour continues to steal traditional Conservative policies, promising
to strengthen law-and-order measures so that "criminals are
caught, punished and rehabilitated".
The manifesto begins by boasting that Labour will increase
the share of national income spent on education from 5 percent
to 5.3 percent by 2003 and provide sustained significant
extra funding on health. It proclaims that Labour's objective
is to "liberate people's potential, by spreading power, wealth
and opportunity more widely, breaking down the barriers that hold
people back".
This does not mean changing the system of wealth distribution
that is polarising society between a tiny rich elite and the mass
of working people. All public spending increases are made entirely
dependent on preserving "economic stability". Labour
reiterates its pledge not to increase the top rate of income and
corporation taxes.
Prime Minister Blair's assertion that Labour's second term
would not be "a recipe for a quiet life", however, is
by no means hot air. Significantly, the spending plans are dependent
upon public services being opened up further to private capital.
In particular Labour promises:
* Health care to be decentralised to "give local Primary
Care Trusts control of 75 percent of National Health Service funding"
with "successful NHS hospitals to take over failing ones",
and specially built surgical units established, "managed
by the NHS or the private sector".
* An overhaul of state comprehensive education, encouraging
the growth of specialist and religious schools, and giving head
teachers greater control over individual budgets. Where schools
are not improving quickly enough, "alternative providers
should be brought in... A 'spirit of enterprise' should apply
as much to public services as to business".
* An expansion of means-tested welfare, further eroding the
right to universal benefits through the use of special credits
paid via the tax system. Compulsory workfare will be tightened
up for lone parents and the disabled, and a new Child Trust Fund
or baby bond will be introduced.
The proposed attacks on welfare and the public services go
far beyond anything attempted by successive Conservative government
during 18 years in office up to 1997. Although the Tories under
Thatcher sought to make significant inroads into public spending,
and privatised large sectors of the economy, they were extremely
cautious not to make a too open assault on heath care because
of the opposition this would meet.
In Britain, NHS health care is free at the point of use and
access to treatment does not depend paying taxes or contributions.
Thus, within the NHS at least, the unemployed school leaver has
the right to the same standard of health care as any professional.
However, years of cuts and neglect in the public sector mean
that this right consists of spending an age on waiting
lists before being treated on understaffed wards, and to be denied
certain medicines and procedures deemed too costly.
The Tories used the decline in public services their policies
caused to privatise by stealth. In 1992, the Private Finance Initiative
(PFI) was launched, enabling the private sector to build and run
hospitals and schools, which are then leased back to the state
sector for a fixed period during which considerable service charges
must be paid. But public opposition was such that the scheme took
off only slowly. The Tories were continuously forced to deny that
PFI amounted to backdoor privatisation, presenting it as a form
of private/public partnership.
Labour considerably extended PFI during its first term in office,
signing more than £13 billion ($18.2 billion) worth of contracts
with the private sector covering health and education provisions.
Blair boasted that he bore "scars" on his back from
the fights he had to undertake with the public sector due to opposition
to Labour's measures. But the government's latest proposals represent
a significant advance even from this. Virtually no area of public
provision is barred from takeover by the private sectorincluding
health care and schools.
According to the Guardian newspaper, a report by the
Blairite Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) completed
four weeks ago fills in the fine details of Labour's privatisation
policy. However, it is being held back until after the election
due to the controversy it could unleash. The Guardian,
which has seen a copy of the report, states that in addition to
proposals on private contractors bidding to replace doctors' surgeries
and run health services, the IPPR report does not rule out the
possibility of the private sector taking over entire hospitals,
including the provision of intensive care and accident and emergency
services.
IPPR Commission Chairman and WH Smith boss Martin Taylor writes
in the report, "The secretary of state for health has said
he would be astonished if the private sector played a larger part
in the NHS. He should be astonished, and soon. It is clearly in
the wider popular interest to use the capability of the private
sector to reform and rebuild the NHS rather than supplant and
destroy it."
Private sector involvement should no longer be limited to providing
capital for projects, Taylor argues, since "the crucial ingredient
the private sector possesses and the public sector needs is management".
The government must be prepared "to reject the defeatist
strand of thought which maintains that all new forms of private
involvement in the delivery of public services should be put on
hold because the risks are too great and the politics too hot,
Taylor argues.
Building on recent Labour measures that enable the contracting
out of core responsibilities from local education
authorities deemed to be failing, the IPPR report says that governing
bodies should be entitled to buy in privately run school management
services that offer to supply a head teacher, deputy, bursar or
heads of department.
At the Birmingham manifesto launch, Blair indicated that the
government would take up the IPPR recommendations, There
should be no barriers, no dogma, no vested interest that stands
in the way of delivering the best services for our people."
In truth, the private sector benefits from a largely parasitic
relationship with public services in Britain. Doctors, teachers,
surgeons and hospital consultants trained at public expense are
then snapped up by the private sector. Private hospitals frequently
use public health resources, whilst NHS surgeons and consultants
are free to work part-time in private practice, profiting directly
from their patients' inability to receive fast and adequate treatment
within the state sector. The NHS is left to provide expensive
long-term care and emergency services, while the private sector
concentrates on the fast-money procedures. On top of this, the
pharmaceutical companies extort billions from the public purse
through their control of patented medicines.
The Labour government has so far presented its PFI plans as
a "third way" between the present largely state-run
services and wholesale privatisation. But it is illusory to believe
that access to health and education will remain universal and
free under conditions in which the private sector, whose sole
concern is profit, demands ever-higher rates of return on the
capital it invests. As Labour's manifesto commitment and the IPPR
report indicates, the government is well aware of this. Assurances
to the contrary are a ruse to mislead working people until it
is too late and they are confronted with a fait accompli.
For big business, however, Labour's nod towards public opinion
is too restrictive. The Financial Times welcomed the manifesto
proposals, but complained that Labour was being too timid. "Although
in the health section [of the manifesto] there is no repetition
of the 1997 commitment to oppose privatisation of clinical services,
Labour shies away from full-blooded participation of the private
sector in the delivery of services", it complains.
See Also:
Britain: Deputy Prime Minister Prescott
punches protester
[18 May 2001]
General election statement by the Socialist
Equality Party of Britain
The disenfranchisement of the working class and the need for a
new socialist party
[17 May 2001]
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