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Racism row continues to embroil Britain's Conservatives
By Julie Hyland
4 May 2001
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Allegations of racism continue to bedevil Britain's Conservative
Party, with the most outspoken attacks on the party's extreme
right coming from within the party itself.
Conservative leader William Hague had hoped that his "ultimatum"
to the party on Monday April 30 would end the row that had broken
out after retiring MP John Townend complained that immigration
was undermining "homogenous Anglo-Saxon society" and
turning Britons into a "mongrel race".
Despite protests from the Commission for Racial Equality, Hague
had initially refused to take any action against the Yorkshire
MP Townend, on the grounds that it would only turn him into a
martyr. His ultimatum to Townend on Monday that he should retract
his remarks or be sacked was meant to draw a line under the affair.
Instead tensions within the party have been ratcheted up still
further. Monday's article in the Times newspaper, written
by Lord John Taylor, one of the Tories' few black peers, overshadowed
Hague's declaration. Taylor warned, "The Conservative Party
cannot contain Townend and people like me. Referring to
Hague's belated threat to expel Townend if he did not apologise
for his comments, Taylor said, "It is at best a belated yellow
card issued by a timid referee against a player who has already
committed numerous offences. It is a pathetic response and one
that is, unfortunately, all too typical of a pattern of weak leadership."
Arguing that the "race issue" would end up burying
Hague's leadership, Taylor said the image of the Conservatives
had been "battered" by the presence of such open racists
and the party would never be able to recruit among ethnic minorities
as long as those like Townend remained in its ranks. Rather, "while
the likes of Mr Townend are still in the Conservative Party, then
the further truth is that the first reaction of a Conservative
Association seeing a large crowd of Afro-Caribbean individuals
marching towards its offices would be lock them out and alert
the nearest police station".
Taylor added that in essence the Tories were "a good party"but
there was a right wing, racist element of which Hague was "frightened".
He would know. In 1992 Taylor had stood for the party in what
was considered to be the safe Tory seat of Cheltenham. But a racist
backlash, in which some Tories even called on their supporters
not to vote for Taylor, helped the Liberal Democrats take the
seat by 1,668 votes. Taylor was elevated to the House of Lords
under John Major's premiership in 1996, partially to try and overcome
the broad perception that the Tories were thoroughly racist.
Taylor's outspoken attack on Hague's weak leadership caused
speculation that he may be planning a high profile defection to
the Labour Partya priceless coup just before an election,
particularly when Labour's main electoral tactic is to highlight
Tory extremism.
In an effort to make such a defection more difficult, Hague
had proposed Taylor sign a loyalty pledge to the party. But the
row has now drawn in even weightier Tory figures, including former
Prime Minister Edward Heath and ex-minister Norman Tebbit, exposing
the deep divisions within the party.
It was all meant to be so different. Townend's outburst came
as Hague addressed the party's Spring Forum in March. In his remarks,
Hague had sought to put "clear blue water" between the
Conservatives and Labour, stating that a second term for Blair's
Labour government would lead to Britain becoming a "foreign
land".
Despite the resulting furore around this assertion, Hague's
remarks were not directed specifically at immigration policy,
though the previous weeks had seen repeated Tory attacks on Labour
for its supposed softness on the question of asylum
seekers. Rather Hague was condemning Blair's record on the European
Union and devolution. According to Hague, Labour's surreptitious
support for British adoption of the European single currency,
the euro, and the devolution of certain powers to Scotland, Wales
and Northern Ireland were endangering the unity of the British
nation state and undermining its traditional institutions of rule.
Parliamentary sovereignty had been compromised by Blair's increasingly
presidential style of leadership, Hague complained, whilst Labour's
devolution policies threatened the "survival of the Union".
The Conservatives had bowed to the "wishes of the peoples
of Scotland and Wales" in accepting separate parliaments
and assemblies, but would insist that England had similar rights,
he continued. The newly devolved bodies in Edinburgh and Cardiff
create an anomaly because whilst certain areas of legislation
concerning Scotland and Wales were entirely removed from deliberation
in the national parliament at Westminsterand thus from scrutiny
by English MPsareas of English legislation had not been
accorded the same right. Consequently, a Conservative government
would "change the rules, so that when matters that only affect
England come before the House of Commons, only MPs from England
will vote", Hague pledged.
The Conservatives would also oppose signing up to the euro,
Hague continued, which if adopted would mean "the Royal Mint
melting down pound coins" and Brussels taking control "over
our economy".
The next election was about "defending the sovereignty
of our parliament, we defend the sovereignty of our people. We
defend our right to live under our own laws".
With fears developing over the international implications of
the economic downturn in the US and Japan, and signs of growing
tensions between America and Europeparticularly over defence
issuesHague's speech formed part of a series in which the
Tories sought to emphasise their differences with Labour.
Conservative Shadow Foreign Secretary Francis Maude, also speaking
to the Spring Forum, not only ruled out British adoption of the
European single currency, but also called for a revival of the
Commonwealth and firmer ties with the US. The Conservatives will
"support our American allies in developing a missile defence
system", Maude pledged. Tories would "never allow"
the establishment of a European defence force operating outside
of NATO command, and would "stop the slide to...[a European]
superstate", he said.
Speaking before the right wing Centre for Policy Studies later
in the month, Hague enthused that "Policy differences between
governments that are all but submerged when the tide is high are
often revealed when high water recedes. We have to be sure that
Britain is properly prepared for slower worldwide growth."
Hague's difficulty is that Townend is not just a lone voice,
but represents a substantial body of opinion within the Conservative
Party, associated particularly with its Thatcherite wing, for
whom any reference to things foreign calls forth a torrent of
xenophobia. To "expel racism" from the Tory party, as
several senior party figures have demanded, would therefore threaten
his own survival.
Having succeeded in getting Townend to back down and withdraw
his offending remarks, the row over Conservative racism was immediately
reopened when another Tory backbencher, Laurence Robertson, asserted
that his colleague had been "basically right" on race.
Several Conservative elder statesmen entered the fray. Leading
Thatcherite Lord Norman Tebbit said he supported Townend's positions,
claiming that the backbench MP had been arguing for "cultural
integration". The issue was "how quickly and how thoroughly
those who come into a country are absorbed into the mainstream
culture", Tebbit said, adding, "I do not know of any
happy multi-cultural society". Four years ago, Tebbit was
publicly rebuked by Hague after he had attacked the concept of
a multi-cultural Britain and proposed a "cricket test,"
in which the loyalty, and therefore Britishness, of
ethnic minority citizens should be measured by whether they supported
England or the West Indies and Pakistan during test-matches.
In contrast, the Tory Reform Group, chaired by former Chancellor
Kenneth Clarke and including former cabinet ministers such as
Michael Heseltine, Lord Hurd and Chris Patten condemned Townend.
In a coded criticism of Hague's refusal to take action against
Townend, the group issued a public statement insisting that the
Conservative leadership must be seen to stand full square behind
Lord Taylor.
Former Tory Prime Minister Edward Heath was the most explicit,
contrasting Hague's kid gloves approach to Townend with his own
sacking of right wing MP Enoch Powell from the front bench for
his racist "rivers of blood" speech in 1968. That Hague
had not taken similar action was because the party had now been
placed on the "extreme right", Heath said.
See Also:
Hypocrisy over racism in run
up to British general election
[23 April 2001]
Britain's Conservative Party
exposes its racist underbelly
[3 April 2001]
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