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What the New York Times "overlooked" in the
Venezuelan events
By Bill Vann
18 April 2002
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The disarray within US ruling circles over the failed coup
in Venezuela has found its most distilled expression on the editorial
page of the New York Times.
When Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez was in the custody of
military coup leaders and apparently bound either for execution
or exile, the Times hailed his overthrow in the lead editorial
of its April 13 edition. Venezuelan democracy is no longer
threatened by a would-be dictator, the paper exulted, noting
that the military intervened and handed power to a respected
business leader.
The collapse of the coup in the face of mass protests and dissension
within the military required a shifting of gears. In his
three years in office, Mr. Chavez has been such a divisive and
demagogic leader that his forced departure last week drew applause
at home and in Washington, the newspaper declared in an
April 16 editorial. That reaction, which we shared, overlooked
the undemocratic manner in which he was removed. Forcibly unseating
a democratically elected leader, no matter how badly he has performed,
is never something to cheer.
How the Times editors overlooked the
small detail that Chavez had been removed by flagrantly undemocratic
means is not explained. Did they fail to note the military uniforms
of the coup leaders portrayed in the photograph on the newspapers
front page? Were they not informed about the tanks in the streets
of Caracas? Were they so unfamiliar with Venezuelas recent
history that they did not know Chavez had been elected, not once
but twice, and that his policies had received overwhelming backing
in a popular referendum?
Obviously, the correction in the second editorial
is a cynical evasion. This apologia was seen as necessary only
because the US-backed plot failed.
When the editorial writers initially proclaimed that a military
coup had ended the threat to democracy, it was no
was no slip of the pen. Their conception of democracy
is firmly rooted in the social interests of the ruling elite,
and therefore easily dispenses with such traditional democratic
forms as elections and the subordination of the military to civilian
rule.
The first editorial clearly spelled these interests out. Washington
has a strong stake in Venezuelas recovery, it stated.
Caracas now provides 15 percent of American oil imports,
and with sounder policies could provide more.
In addition to lauding the civilian chief of the short-lived
junta, big business federation chief Pedro Carmona, the Times
also noted approvingly the strong participation of middle-class
citizens in organizing opposition groups and street protests.
Indeed, those participating in the demonstration in Caracas
that proved to be the opening shot of the April 11 coup were considerably
wealthier, better dressed and whiter than those who later battled
security forces in the citys working class and poor neighborhoods
to protest the militarys seizure of power.
The key elements of the democracy that the Times
upholds in Venezuela begin to emerge. Its principles are the assurance
of uninterrupted cheap oil to the US petroleum corporations and
the maintenance of a firm grip on both the government and the
economy by the countrys thin layer of wealthy businessmen,
backed by the military. To the extent that Chavezs policies
threatened the US grip on Venezuelan oil and his minimal reforms
infringed on the privileges of the economic elite, his overthrow,
as far as the Times is concerned, was justified.
That he was elected twice by the largest majorities recorded
in the countrys history was of little consequence. He
was democratically elected, a Bush administration official
interviewed by the Times conceded, and quickly added: Legitimacy
is something that is conferred not just by a majority of the voters,
however.
No doubt this official was voicing a belief firmly held throughout
the Bush administration, which came into office by suppressing
the popular vote in the 2000 US election. That election proved
that decisive sections of the American ruling class were prepared
to break with democracy to further their profit interests. And
the response from what passes for American liberalism, including
the editors of the Times, demonstrated that those within
the establishment who had opposed Bush were easily reconciled
to the theft of an election and a massive conspiracy against democratic
rights.
The Timess attitude to the Venezuelan coup only
demonstrates once again that liberalism no longer exists in the
United States as a significant political trend. Serious opposition
to the crimes of the US military and the CIA abroad, as well as
to the attacks on democratic rights at home, will emerge only
from a movement led by the working class, mobilized independently
of the Democrats and Republicans in a struggle directed against
the profit system.
Despite its two-faced contrition over having praised the military
coup, the Times April 16 editorial contains an unmistakable
threat that the CIA and other US agencies are by no means through
with Chavez. The only hope for Mr. Chavez and Venezuela
is for him to step back from his confrontational agenda,
it states.
But the Times promises to exercise more decorum next
time around. Should a second coup attempt prove successful, instead
of joining the cheers of the Bush administration, it will more
quietly blame Chavez, while once again exonerating the CIA and
the Pentagon for any role in what would unquestionably be a bloody
settling of accounts with the Venezuelan people.
See Also:
US debacle in Venezuela: Bush administration
backtracks on coup
[18 April 2002]
Chavez back...for now
Abortive Venezuelan coup was made in the USA
[15 April 2002]
The New York Times salutes a "democratic"
coup
[15 April 2002]
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