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Mounting anger over US atrocities in Afghanistan
By Peter Symonds
22 July 2002
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Three weeks after an American AC-130 gunship killed and injured
more than 100 civilians in the small Afghan village of Kakarak,
US military officials have refused to admit that the raid was
a mistake or to rule out similar actions in the future. The massacre
and the dismissive attitude of US officials have added to the
mounting anger among ethnic Pashtuns in Uruzgan and neighbouring
provinces in the countrys south and east.
Comments by US Deputy Defence Secretary Paul Wolfowitz in Afghanistan
last week simply underscore the callous indifference of the Bush
administration to the rising civilian toll caused by American
bombing and military operations. Speaking to reporters at the
Bagram air base north of Kabul, Wolfowitz said the US had no
regrets about going after the bad guys. There was
very little doubt, he said, that there were terrorists or
people harbouring terrorists in the area attacked
by US warplanes.
Neither Wolfowitz nor any other US official has provided any
evidence to back up this assertion. Nor have they explained why
a wedding celebration organised by supporters of the US-backed
Afghan president Hamid Karzai was raked with cannon and machine
gun fire by the AC-130. The attack in the early hours of July
1 was responsible for most of the 54 dead and 120 injured, many
of them women and children. Several other villages were hit on
the same night.
US officials continue to claim that aircrew and US Special
Forces troops observed anti-aircraft fire coming from the compound.
A preliminary US investigative team failed to find any sign of
a large calibre gun at the spot. Last week Air Force Brigadier
General John W. Rosa Jr, the deputy director of operations for
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, cast further doubt on the story when
he told reporters: I cant say unequivocally that the
AC-130 was fired on. Other officials, however, quickly issued
a clarification, reasserting the initial claims but
offering no further evidence.
The preliminary US investigation also played down the death
toll, claiming it found no evidence of large numbers of deaths
and injuries. The comments directly contradict the statements
of Afghan officials and on-the-spot reports from a number of journalists
who have interviewed survivors of the raid in Kakarak itself and
in hospitals in Kandahar and Kabul.
A firsthand report published on July 8 in the New York Times
described the aftermath of the raid on the village. Human
flesh was still hanging on the tree five days after the attack,
and more putrefying remains were tangled in the branches of a
pomegranate tree, its bright scarlet flowers still blooming...
Sahib Jan, 25, a neighbour who escaped the worst of the bombardment,
was among the first to help the wounded and gather up the dead.
Walking through the compound five days later, he named those who
had been killed, pointing out the blood stains and the shreds
of shrapnel still lying around.
One villager, Pir Jan, explained to the reporter that US Special
Forces had entered Kakarak after the raid searching the
houses and tying the hands even of the women. He said their
attitude changed when they came across the carnage in the compound.
They told me though a translator that they had made a mistake,
Jan said. They said, We are sorry, but whats
done cannot be undone. No official admission of responsibility
has been made, however.
All that Wolfowitz would admit during a press conference in
Kabul last week was that the evidence suggests that
innocent people were killed, quickly adding: In a combat
zone, unfortunately mistakes are made. He repeated several
times that the role of US forces was one of liberation,
not occupation. But many Afghans, particularly those of
the Pashtun majority, who have had to endure 10 months of arbitrary
US military operations, are beginning to voice their opposition
to the American colonial-style occupation of Afghanistan.
Following the raid on Kakarak, six provincial governors, all
of them sympathetic to Washington, issued a statement calling
on the US military to seek their permission before launching operations
in their areas. We have already decided the matter,
declared Kandahar governor Gul Agha Shirzai. In the future,
the Americans cannot conduct their operations without the approval
of the council. They must also take Afghan forces with them.
He has proposed the establishment of an Afghan rapid reaction
force, as well as a border guard, to operate alongside the US
military in the south and east.
The Pentagon quickly dismissed any suggestion that restrictions
would be placed on its operations. US Central Command spokesman
Major Ralph Mills insisted that the US military already coordinated
with the Karzai administration. We will continue to do what
we can to coordinate, he said. However if its
a situation of imminent danger, we are going to continue to do
what we believe is right and take action appropriately.
In other words, the Pentagon will continue its actions when and
where it pleases.
The criticism of US military actions by Gul Agha and other
provincial officials reflects a groundswell of hostility, which
they are seeking to contain. The angry mood among Pashtuns is
being openly, and rather nervously, discussed in sections of the
US media, concerned at the potential for open rebellion. The US
raid on Kakarak has already provoked the first anti-US protest
in Kabul.
Time magazine commented: Such dramas [the carnage
in Kakarak] add to the sense that the US may be losing the battle
for the hearts and minds of Afghans. Thats especially true
in the south, where most of the American military action is now
concentrated and where US propaganda has to contend with an overheated
rumour mill in the teahouses and bazaars. Inevitably, [President]
Karzai is linked to Americas mistakes...
[O]fficials in Kabul affiliated with the UN and other
aid organisations are now worried that Americas obsession
with the dangers of Afghanistan and its single-minded pursuit
of military objectives may even be making things worse... Most
remember that the Soviets enjoyed a honeymoon after they invaded
the country in 1979. Soon enough, the locals turned against them.
Anger among Pashtun leaders has been compounded by the heavy-handed
manner in which the Karzai administration was inserted at the
loya jirga [grand tribal assembly] last month and the predominance
of ethnic Tajiks in the key security ministries. An article in
the International Herald Tribune described how US special
envoy Zalmay Khalilzad bullied former king Zahir Shah into withdrawing
his candidacy for the post of transitional president. Khalilzad
is now reviled as the viceroy by many Pashtuns, who
refer to the once-welcome US forces in Afghanistan as an army
of occupation, the article noted.
Far from altering course, however, the reaction of the Bush
administration to the massacre in Kakarak indicates that it intends
to consolidate its military and political grip in Afghanistan
as part of broader plans to dominate the resource-rich Central
Asian region. Any threat to its forces or to the compliant Karzai
regime in Kabul will be responded to with the same methods used
to oust the Taliban regime.
See Also:
Anti-US protest in Kabul: a sign of wider
anger in Afghanistan
[6 July 2002]
US warplanes massacre villagers in central
Afghanistan
[3 July 2002]
US bullying and threats at
Afghanistan's loya jirga
[15 June 2002]
Washington presides over a
political and social disaster in Afghanistan
[29 March 2002]
The makings of a protracted
colonial war in Afghanistan
[22 March 2002]
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