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French neo-Nazi attempts to assassinate Chirac
By David Walsh
17 July 2002
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A 25-year-old neo-Nazi fired a shot at French President Jacques
Chirac during the Bastille Day parade in Paris on Sunday. Maxime
Brunerie, an individual with extensive connections to the extreme
right, took a .22-caliber rifle out of a guitar case and was able
to get off one shot, although his arm was jostled, before being
subdued by spectators in the crowd.
The would-be assassin was at least 100 to 150 meters from the
open-top jeep in which Chirac was riding, making it unlikely that
his weapon could have delivered a fatal shot. The gun, which Brunerie
purchased on July 6, is generally used for hunting small animals.
The French president was unaware of the incident until told about
it later. The annual parade, marking the onset of the French Revolution
in 1789, went ahead as scheduled.
After police handcuffed Brunerie, he was taken to the headquarters
of the criminal investigation department and later transferred
to a police psychiatric unit in Paris. He can be held for up to
a month, while officials determine if he is mentally competent
to stand trial.
The 25-year-old was described as confused and incoherent during
his interrogation. Brunerie reportedly told investigators that
he intended to assassinate Chirac and then turn the gun on himself.
He apparently said that he wanted to be talked about.
According to the Guardian newspaper, Brunerie told police
that he had a profound hatred of Jacques Chirac and of democracy.
French authorities report that they believe Brunerie acted alone.
The French government and media response to the shooting was
relatively muted. Chirac reportedly replied, Ah, bon? [Oh,
really?], when told of the incident, and was not even questioned
about it later the same day by three journalists during the traditional
July 14 televised interview. Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy
described the episode as an assassination attempt and called Brunerie
a militant of the extreme right ... known for his violence
and with a police record. Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin,
in London for talks with British Prime Minister Tony Blair, said
he had been profoundly shocked by the attempt against Chiracs
life, but added that risk to personal security was one of the
realities that comes with high office.
Police officials indicated that Brunerie had been known to
them for his extreme-right associations since he was 18. He has
participated in numerous neo-fascist parties and groups, including
the French and European Nationalist Party (PNFE), the far-right
student movement, Union Defense Group (GUD)known for its
attacks on left-wing groupsand most recently, Radical Unity
(UR). The latter was founded in 1998 in an attempt to unify a
number of the extreme right youth and student groups in France.
He was also an avid fan of the Paris Saint-Germain football club,
and associated with a group of skinheads and ultra-right supporters
of the team.
All of the organizations with which Brunerie associated are
violently anti-immigrant and anti-Semitic, open defenders of Hitler
and the Nazis. The PNFE holds annual banquets to honor Hitlers
birthday. UR is characterized by a permanent anti-Semitism,
according to Le Monde, denounces cosmopolitan finance
and promotes a virulent anti-Americanism. It welcomed the September
11 terrorist attacks in New York and Washington.
Brunerie apparently had a particular fascination with American
white supremacist groups and a British neo-Nazi group known as
Combat 18 (1 and 8 are the first and eighth letters of the alphabet:
A and H, for Adolph Hitler). He previewed his act indirectly on
the latters web site on July 13. Signed Maxime,
the message read, Watch the TV This Sunday, I will be the
star ... Death to zog, 88! In the lexicon of neo-Nazis,
ZOG stands for Zionist occupied government
and 88 for HH, or Heil Hitler.
Bruneries associations, however, were not simply with
semi-underground neo-Nazi groups. In March 2001 he ran in Frances
municipal elections as a candidate in Paris 18th arrondissement
for the National Republican Movement (MNR) of Bruno Mégret,
the 1998 split-off from Jean-Marie Le Pens National Front
(FN). Earlier this year, on the evening of the first round of
the presidential election, a reporter from Le Monde interviewed
Brunerie at the MNRs Paris headquarters. He told the newspaper
that he would vote for Le Pen in the second round despite the
drift of the FN.
Gilles Ivaldi of the Institute of Political Studies in Grenoble
told the Nouvel Observateur that the neo-Nazi groupuscules
[small groups] and the FN and MNR coexist and know each
other. ... There is a real porosity between the FN and MNR youth
and the more violent fringe movements.
Mégret, to whom the episode was highly embarrassing,
denounced the assassination attempt, but deplored the fact
that some are attempting to give it a [political] significance,
insofar as the author appears to be a psychiatric case.
Le Pen denied that the shooting had any political significance:
Political figures are more usually attacked by madmen and
unbalanced people than by political adversaries. He told
another reporter, I think that if there is a madman, they
always end up, one way or another, saying that he is from the
extreme right.
According to the French press, Brunerie was a business student
(Brevet de Technicien Supérieur) in management and accounting,
and occasionally worked as a driver. He was born in Evry (Essonne),
a new town 30 kilometers south of Paris (population 82,000), in
1977, an area where a number of high-tech companies are concentrated.
At the time of the shooting Brunerie lived in nearby Courcouronnes
with his parents and younger sister. His father works for Snecma,
a leading manufacturer of aircraft engines, and his mother at
the Carrefour supermarket chain. The family was away on vacation
in Spain when the incident occurred. Police raided Bruneries
home and seized a computer and a collection of pro-fascist literature,
including a copy of Hitlers Mein Kampf.
This is the first reported attempt to assassinate a French
head of state since the early 1960s, when the far-right OAS tried
to kill President Charles de Gaulle for his perceived acceptance
of Algerian independence. Two serving French presidents have been
killed, Sadi Carnot in 1894 (by an Italian anarchist) and Paul
Doumer in 1932 (by an insane Russian émigré).
Ivaldi of the Institute of Political Studies noted that the
attack could express the disenchantment and frustration of a certain
extreme-right element. The success of Le Pen in the first round
of the presidential election aroused among his supporters
and in the groupuscules a very great hope. The most radical wings
of the two parties and the groupuscules are disappointed. The
great revolution they envisaged is not coming. This disappointment
could encourage them to switch over to violent action.
A police specialist in far-right politics told the Agence France-Presse
that Radical Unity, the group to which Brunerie recently adhered,
was in disarray following the presidential and parliamentary elections.
He stated that its members were agitated and clearly ready
to become more radical.
The Bastille Day incident underscores the extraordinary level
of political and social tension in France. The ability of Chiracs
right-wing camp, with the help of the official left, to leverage
a 19 percent showing in the first round of the presidential election
into a resounding majority in the June legislative elections supposedly
normalized French political life. It did nothing of
the kind. The mass disaffection with all the official blocs, left
and right, can only deepen in the face of such a cynical and undemocratic
process.
See Also:
France: Socialist Party feigns
shock over collusion between Chirac camp and Le Pen
[12 June 2002]
Right wing wins solid majority
in French legislative election
Record abstention reflects popular disaffection
[11 June 2002]
National Front stages violent
provocation in Paris
[10 June 2002]
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