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Indonesian military continues its repression in Aceh
By Carol Divjak
18 June 2002
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Despite peace negotiations held in Geneva last month, the Indonesian
armed forces (TNI) is continuing its offensive against the separatist
Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in the north of Sumatra. The current
operations are part of a brutal civil war that has raged for 26
years and cost the lives of at least 12,000 people.
The latest deaths took place last week. According to a military
spokesman, the army killed two alleged GAM members in two separate
clashes in Lhlong village and Lhokseumawe on June 12 and 13 respectively.
Three civilians and two soldiers also died. GAM, however, claimed
that none of its members had died and accused the military of
killing innocent civilians. These incidents are part of a pattern
of military violence and repression aimed at intimidating the
local Acehnese population.
In early April, President Megawati Sukarnoputris government
dispatched 1,850 fresh troops to Aceh to reinforce army and security
forces in the oil-rich province. The force consisted of 825 Kostrad
army strategic reserve members, along with more than 500 marines
and 412 Kopassus special forces troops. Under the Suharto dictatorship,
Kopassus was notorious for its use of abduction, torture and assassination
to suppress political opposition, including in regions such as
Aceh, East Timor and West Papua.
According to then Kostrad head, Lieutenant General Ryamizard
Ryacudu, who saw off the force, the troops currently in the province
had become ineffective after more than a year in the
conflict area. Asked by Tempo magazine how he thought the
military should deal with the separatists, he replied: Exterminate
provocateurs, shoot rioters.
Significantly Megawati has recently promoted Ryamizard to army
chief. The emergence of figures such as Ryamizard in the top TNI
posts is a measure of just how beholden Megawati is to the military.
During the protracted moves to oust former president Abdurrahman
Wahid last year, Megawati relied on the military top brass to
prevent Wahid from blocking impeachment proceedings and declaring
a state of emergency.
The military was highly critical of Wahids decision to
allow limited political freedoms in Aceh and West Papua and to
open negotiations with the separatists. Under strong pressure
from the TNI, Wahid signed a presidential order for a crackdown
on GAM in April 2001. Megawati, then vice-president, presided
over the Operation for the Restoration of Security and Upholding
the Law and continued the offensive when she took over as
president later in the year.
At present there are an estimated 25,000-30,000 security forces
in Aceh and the number of deaths has jumped sharply over the past
14 months. Last year alone, 2,000 people were killed, including
1,600 civilians. So far this year more than 400 have died. According
to the European-based International Crisis Group, the TNI operations
have succeeded in reducing the area under GAM control to only
30-40 percent of the province as compared to 60-70 percent prior
to April 2001.
In a number of cases, locals have accused the police and soldiers
of killing innocent civilians either during patrols or in reprisal
for GAM attacks. The conflict claims roughly four civilian lives
for every soldier or alleged guerrilla killed. At checkpoints
throughout the province, the security forces openly extort bribes.
An article this week in the New York Times explained:
Often, villagers suspected of having helped the rebels are
shot. Here in Butit Meranti, a deaf plantation worker, Abdul Wahab,
35, was gunned down by soldiers as he emerged from the forest,
because unlike some other villagers, he was confused and unable
to run away quickly enough, Mr Bin said.
Almost every day in Lhokseumawe, the city closest to
the natural gas fields, workers of the International Red Cross
sad they pick up bodies shot at close range and dumped in the
street. The cause of death is usually listed as O.T.K.
for orang tak kenal or persons unknown.
A report issued by the US-based Human Rights Watch in March
strongly criticised the role of the Indonesian National Commission
on Human Rights (Komnas-HAM) for covering up one of the most widely
reported atrocities in Aceh. In August 2001, 30 men and a two-year-old
child from a rubber and palm oil plantation in Julok, East Aceh,
were lined up and executed by a group of armed men in camouflage
uniforms. GAM and the TNI both accused each other of the killings.
Komnas-HAM interviewed a number of eyewitnesses, virtually
all of whom insisted that the army was responsible. But, as the
Human Rights Watch report pointed out, investigators failed to
follow up on key information and some of the interviews were conducted
in the presence of military officersa situation guaranteed
to intimidate witnesses. Komnas-HAM commissioners shelved their
findings for five months and only established a formal commission
of inquiry in January. No progress has been made in identifying
or prosecuting the culprits.
Limited autonomy for Aceh
The Megawati administration and the military have imposed a
climate of fear and repression in Aceh in order to undermine support
for GAM and to impose a political solution that falls short of
independence from Indonesia. Last year the Indonesian parliament
passed a special autonomy law for Aceh that offers the local administration
a larger share of the provinces oil and gas revenues.
During the negotiations in Geneva, GAM leaders took a step
toward dropping their previous demand for an independent statelet
in northern Sumatra. An agreement was reached that accepted the
autonomy law as the starting point for the next round of talks,
which are to include other Acehnese representatives in discussion
about local government and a ceasefire. The agreement was signed
for Jakarta by Ambassador Sastrohandoyo Wiryono Abdullah and for
GAM by Dr Zaini Abdullah.
The US Special Envoy to the Middle East, Anthony Zinni, was
presentan indication that the Bush administration is closely
following Jakartas campaign to stamp out GAM. The US-based
Exxon Mobil corporation operates and partly owns three huge gas
fields in Aceh and the large Arun liquefied natural gas (LNG)
plant. US Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matt Daley recently
visited exiled GAM leader Hasan di Tiro in Sweden to insist that
he accept the governments autonomy offer.
The talks were the seventh in a series between government officials
and exiled GAM members begun in 1999 under the auspices of the
Geneva-based Henry Dunant Centre. Despite the negotiations, the
TNI continued its operations in Aceh. Less than 24 hours after
the latest round, a police mobile brigade unit shot dead Zakaria
Yahya, the GAM spokesperson for the Greater Aceh region. Police
claim they were not aware of the agreement reached at the talks
on May 10.
The attack was designed to send a message both to GAM and the
Megawati administration that the TNI was going to dictate the
terms of any settlement. The commander of the Iskandar Muda military
base in Aceh, Brigadier General Djali Yusuf, insisted his troops
would continue to conduct operations for the restoration
of peace.
The growing assertiveness of the military in Aceh, West Papua
and other areas, and its disregard for democratic rights and human
life is a sharp warning that there has been no fundamental change
in Jakarta since the fall of the Suharto junta.
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