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Hydro One debacle highlights crisis of Ontario Tory regime
By David Adelaide
25 June 2002
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To the consternation of big business, Ontarios Tory government
has abandoned plans to privatize Hydro One and instead given the
electrical transmission utilitys blue-chip corporate directors
their walking papers.
The Bay Street financial houses had been looking to the Hydro
One sale as a much-needed shot in the arm. At $5 billion, it would
have been far and away the largest initial public offering (IPO)
in Canadian history.
Indicative of the sentiment on Bay Street is a recent editorial
in the right-wing National Post that lambasted the new
Ontario Premier and Tory leader, Ernie Eves, for not implementing
the agenda of big business with the same resolve as his predecessor,
Mike Harris: If he [Eves] continues to alienate his core
supporters, repudiate his own policies, insult the investment
community and throw himself at the feet of his political opposition,
Mr. Eves, declared the Post, will become wholly
unelectable. Meanwhile, Moodys Investors Service has
warned it may lower Hydro Ones crediting-rating.
The Tories had announced their intention to sell Hydro One
last December. The IPO, which was to be completed by the end of
this spring, would have been the next step in what has been a
protracted campaign to dismantle the former Ontario Hydro. The
Tories 1998 Energy Competition Act laid the groundwork,
splitting Ontario Hydro into five successor companies, introducing
competition into Ontarios electricity market, and insulating
the capitally-structured generation and distribution companiesOntario
Power Generation and Hydro Onefrom the parent companys
accumulated debt. On May 1st, 2002, the provinces generation
market was officially opened to competition.
But the Hydro One IPO began to unravel when the Canadian Union
of Public Employees (CUPE) and the Communications, Energy and
Paperworkers Union (CEP) challenged its legality in the
courts. On April 19th, Judge Gans of the Ontario Superior Court
ruled that the IPO could not go ahead because the Tories
1998 Energy Competition Act did not explicitly sanction the sale
of Hydro One. Judge Gans expressed concern at the haste with which
the privatization was being carried out and at the governments
failure to consult the public or secure parliamentary approval
before selling-off a major government asset.
From Harris to Ernie Eves
The court ruling came just days after the Tories had selected
Ernie Eves, Harris former finance minister and deputy premier,
to be his successor. Harris, who came to power in 1995 on the
coat-tails of the treacherous New Democratic Party government
of Bob Rae, had presided over a campaign of sweeping cuts to public
and social services and lucrative tax concessions to business
and the well-to-do under the slogan of a Common Sense Revolution.
The privatization of Ontario Hydro was an important part of this
campaignnot least because of the ideological value in dismantling
what had been Canadas largest crown corporation.
When Harris announced his intention to step down as Premier
he disingenuously cited personal reasons. In fact, he was forced
from office by a series of interconnected crises. Public outrage
had been galvanized by the e-coli tainted water disaster in Walkerton.
There was mounting evidence Harris had ordered the police assault
on a native protest that had resulted in the death of Dudley George.
And there were mounting concerns that the Tories aggressive
tax-cutting was driving the government into a fiscal crisis and
at a time when even sections of big business were beginning to
express growing concern over the dilapidated state of public infrastructure.
Tensions in the ruling class over how to proceed were further
exposed during the Tory leadership race. Eves principal
rival, the then Finance Minster Jim Flaherty, portrayed himself
as the champion of a Common Sense Revolution Phase II, pledging
to outlaw the teachers strike, use police to drive the homeless
from the streets, and institute further massive tax and public
spending cuts. Eves, responding to public opinion polls showing
the Tories more than 20 percent behind their Liberals rivals and
fears within ruling class circles over mounting social polarization
and a growing popular backlash against big business, by contrast,
presented himself as a kinder gentler Tory, who is fiscally conservative,
but socially progressive. Specifically, Eves pledged to open channels
of communication with the Tories opponents, including the
trade union bureaucracy. This represented a marked shift from
the stance of Harris, who sought to mobilize petty bourgeois opinion
by victimizing the poor, baiting the unions and otherwise bullying
his political opponents.
Had a court ruling like that made April 19th been issued during
Harris first term, he would, in all likelihood, have rushed
through legislation allowing the sale of the utility, and been
done with it. Initially, the Eves Tories took this approach, indicating
that they would: 1) appeal the ruling, in order to avoid creating
a legal precedent encouraging judicial oversight of government
decisions; 2) pass new legislation explicitly allowing Hydro Ones
sale; and 3) create a smokescreen of public hearings to put a
stamp of public approval upon their planned course of action.
But Eves soon recognized that this would jeopardize his carefully
crafted attempt to distance himself from Harris. He could not
come to power promising to be less confrontational and then completely
ignore a court decision that had taken the government to task
for failing to consult the public. Moreover, the mounting controversy
had served to excite interest in the Hydro One sale. Soon the
Tories were confronted with a public that, in the light of Walkerton,
the Enron affair and the energy prices spikes that followed the
deregulation of the Albert and California energy markets, was
skeptical if not outright hostile to the privatization plan. As
he sought victory in a by-election, necessary in order to regain
a seat in the provincial parliament, Eves announced that other
options were on the table, including the possibility of making
Hydro One an income trust, in which the profits and management
would be given over to private investors, while the assets remained
in public ownership. In recent weeks, the Tories have
also put forward the possibility of selling only a minority of
the utilitys shares.
Mock outrage over executive compensation
Then Eves further enraged big business by cynically adapting
to a popular outcry over the salaries and benefits paid to top
Hydro One top executives. Eves instructed the Hydro One board
to reduce the compensation package of Hydro One CEO Eleanor Clitheroe
after it was discovered that this public servant was
pulling in $2.2 million a year, plus a $174,000 car allowance,
with a $6 million severance package, and a $750,000 per year pension.
The board balked, causing the Tories to prepare legislation firing
the boardwhich was comprised of major Bay Street players
handpicked by the Tories to oversee the privatizationand
instructing a new board to curtail executive compensation.
The Tories expressions of outrage at their supposed sudden
discovery of the absurd levels of compensation given the Hydro
One executives is a demonstration of their newfound skills in
the sphere of dramatic art. As an embittered corporate press has
not neglected to point out, the levels of executive compensation
were both widely known to those in government and consistent with
the overall campaign to privatize the various segments of the
former Ontario Hydroin other words, consistent with the
salaries given to other private sector CEOs. And Eves, as a former
Canadian vice-chairman of Credit Suisse First Boston, is himself
no stranger to seven figure salaries.
The corporate press has pilloried the Tories for the Hydro
One debacle. Their immediate concern is the huge amount of stock
brokering commissions that have evaporatedthe $5 billion
IPO would have netted as much as $300 million in brokering feesand
the dashed hopes of making a privatized Hydro One a major player
on North American energy markets.
More fundamentally, the various anxious corporate voices are
indicative of the crisis confronting Canadian capital and the
predicament facing its political representatives. Canada is losing
ground to its capitalist rivals, especially in three pivotal sectors
of the Ontario economythe auto industry, where new capital
is flowing to Mexico; the high-tech industry, shaken up by the
recent Nortel bust; and the finance industry, wherein the global
importance of the Toronto Stock Exchange and the big Canadian
banks is declining.
To bolster its competitive position, Canadian capital must
intensify the assault against the working class, through deregulation
and further cuts to public services and social programs. But how
to impose this agenda under conditions where the free market
nostrums that underpinned the Tory Common Sense Revolution have
fallen into increasing public disrepute and the Tories, fearful
of an electoral rout, have lost their political nerve?
One approach, suggested by Eves himself, is to seek closer
collaboration with the union bureaucracy. In keeping with his
leadership campaign promise, Eves has restored ties with the leadership
of the Ontario Federation of Labour and last month the Tory government
sponsored a tri-partite conference involving representatives of
the provinces auto makers and the Canadian Auto Workers
Union.
Hydro One not a peoples utility
The unions that brought the Hydro One court challenge, CUPE
and CEP, have hailed the ruling as a major victory. In fact, the
ruling was merely the straw that broke the camels back.
The real concern of the union bureaucrats is to not be left out
of the ruling class machinations. In a piece published April
16th in the Globe & Mail, Judy Darcy, president of
CUPE, and Brian Payne, president of CEP, write: If good
government is to mean anything in this country, it must
include a commitment by those in power to deal fairly and squarely.
Promising one thing in public and in a legislature, and then turning
around and doing the opposite without debate or a public airing
of the issues undermines democratic institutions... In translation,
the above excerpt would read: please cooperate with uswe
can help establish the legitimacy of your government.
The unions have based their opposition to the privatization
campaign, on the claim that the former Ontario Hydro was a peoples
utility and by accusing the government of creating the conditions
for a foreign takeover of a Canadian company.
In fact, Ontario Hydro was established at the beginning of
the twentieth centuryon the initiative of a Tory governmentin
order to further the interests of big business by promoting the
development of electrical capacity and opening the north to industry.
An important section of industrial capital has long derived great
advantage from the stability and low price provided by the public
utility.
One sign of the hollowness of rhetoric about Ontario Hydro
as a peoples utility is the relative ease with
which Eves has himself adopted that stancepledging that
Hydro One will remain a public asset, no matter to whom its profits
are diverted. That said, the privatization of Ontario Hydro is
reactionary. Arranged behind closed doors for the benefit of a
parasitic elite, it would be accompanied by an assault on the
living and working standards of the provinces electrical
workers, and by increases in the cost of electricitya basic
necessity of lifefor the entire the population.
The ruling class crisis exposed in the Hydro One dispute is
a harbinger of a major intensification of the class struggle in
Ontario and across Canada. To prepare for these struggles, the
working class must constitute itself as independent political
force and arm itself with a socialist program.
See Also:
Ontario Premier forced
to testify about Ipperwash killing
[1 December 2001]
Ontario Premier resigns
amid mounting legal and political crises
[23 October 2001]
Ontario presses ahead
with privatization of electricity utility
[21 July 2001]
Ontario premier stonewalls
inquiry into Walkerton deaths
[20 July 2001]
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