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Former Black Panther Jamil Al-Amin sentenced to life in prison
By Peter Daniels
20 March 2002
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Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin, the Muslim minister who, as H. Rap
Brown, was a leader of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee
in the 1960s and later a leader of the Black Panther Party, was
sentenced last week to life in prison. Al-Amin was convicted earlier
this month in connection with the death of a sheriffs deputy
in Atlanta two years ago. The jury, after deliberating for five
hours, rejected prosecution demands for the death penalty, but
took the option of a life sentence without parole.
Al-Amin, 58, continues to insist on his innocence, and will
appeal his conviction. Ed Brown, himself a civil rights and SNCC
activist in the 1960s who did not follow his younger brothers
path into the Panthers or Islam, but has remained close to him,
stated that Al-Amin told him after his arrest, Notwithstanding
what youve read, I didnt shoot anybody. Ed Brown
added, If Jamil says he didnt do it, he didnt
do it. Hes not going to tell me something that is not true.
Ed Brown believes that the police and FBI may have targeted
his brother, who changed his name after converting to Islam in
the 1970s.
Al-Amins conviction was based on a decision by the jury
to overlook numerous inconsistencies in the prosecution case.
The sheriffs deputy who survived the March 16, 2000 shootout,
which took place when two cops attempted to serve a warrant on
Al-Amin, positively identified Al-Amin as his assailant. The deputy,
however, said that the gunman had gray eyes; Al-Amins eyes
are brown. The officer also said that he had returned fire and
shot his assailant in the stomach. Police reports mentioned blood
at the scene, and the police used this to get a warrant to search
Al-Amins belongings for bloodied clothing or other signs
of injury. However, when Al-Amin was arrested four days later
he had no injuries.
Al-Amin has argued that he is the victim of a government vendetta
that has its origins in events that took place more than three
decades ago, and is also related to his current prominence as
a Muslim cleric. Several aspects of the trial support this charge.
The head of the FBI team that arrested Al-Amin four days after
the Atlanta shooting did not report to his supervisors that one
of his agents, Ron Campbell, kicked and spat at the defendant.
This same FBI agent was involved in a 1995 killing in Philadelphia,
in which he shot a man he was trying to arrest for skipping a
court date on charges of assaulting two police officers. In that
case, Campbell claimed he shot Glenn Thomas when he was faced
with a weapon, but an autopsy showed that Thomas had been shot
in the back of the head. Campbell was later exonerated in the
killing.
Fulton Country Superior Court Judge Stephanie Manis refused
to allow the defense to raise the actions of white FBI agents
in covering up Campbells assault on Al-Amin. Defense attorneys
wanted to tell jurors that they had to consider the possibility
that FBI agents planted key evidencean assault rifle and
handgunnear Al-Amin when he was arrested. You may
not ask the race question ... to show planting of evidence,
the judge said. I believe it is too speculative. It also
has a substantial danger of diverting the jury.
Al-Amin has been the victim of continuous official harassment
in recent years. His brother, Ed Brown, is quoted in the March
18 issue of the Nation magazine as saying, Harassment,
sometimes routine and petty, sometimes pretty serious. Just one
damn thing after another. No matter how absurd. The police simply
would not leave my brother alone ... an ongoing police vendetta.
Immediately after the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center,
Al-Amin was picked up by the authorities for questioning. He was
released without a shred of evidence being presented tying him
to the attack.
Two years later, in August 1995, FBI and Bureau of Alcohol,
Tobacco and Firearms agents arrested Al-Amin in a month-old shooting
case. He was released later when the victim of the shooting said
he had not seen the shooter but had been threatened with jail
if he did not implicate Al-Amin.
It has also been pointed out that the March 16, 2000 events
took place less than a month following the acquittal of four New
York police officers in the killing of Amadou Diallo, an African
Muslim immigrant. Tension was high in black neighborhoods of major
cities around the country.
As Ekwueme Michael Thelwell, a former SNCC field secretary
and current professor at the University of Massachusetts, wrote
in the above-mentioned Nation article, One has to
wonder ... why, in the climate created by those events, the Atlanta
authorities chose to act as they did. Why was it necessary to
send into a Muslim community, under cover of darkness, heavily
armed men wearing flak jackets to bring in a respected and beloved
religious leader, a figure of fixed address and regular and predictable
habits? And this in the service of a warrant for charges they
describe as relatively minor. Who authorized this action and in
this manner? Was this abysmally poor judgment, or deliberate provocation?
Supporters of Al-Amin have pointed out that he incurred the
wrath of the authorities and embarrassed the middle-class civil
rights spokesmen as long ago as 1965, when, as the chairman of
the Washington DC affiliate of SNCC, he was invited to a meeting,
along with other civil rights figures, with President Lyndon Johnson
at the White House. Thelwell relates Browns report on this
meeting. Rap told me that LBJ had entered the meeting expressing
his great displeasure at all-night demonstrations outside the
White House, which were so noisy that his little girls
had been unable to sleep. The courtiers each in their turn had
expressed distress and apologies for this inconvenience to the
presidential family. Rap, when his turn came, said that he too
was real sad that for one night the presidential daughters
repose had been disturbed, but black people in the Sourth had
been unable to sleep in peace and security for a hundred years.
What did the President plan to do about that? He had thought that
this was what they were meeting to discuss. Johnson and
the civil rights establishment were livid.
Brown was one of the major figures targeted by the notorious
Cointelpro counterintelligence program set up by J. Edgar Hoovers
FBI. He was indicted for inciting a riot in Cambridge, Maryland
in 1967, and was put on the FBIs Most Wanted List when he
skipped his Maryland court dateshortly after two of his
allies died in a car bombing.
Cointelpro led to provocations and police killings of Black
Panther leaders and others, as well as frame-ups such as those
of Elmer Geronimo Pratt, released only a few years
ago after decades behind bars for a murder he did not commit.
The surveillance and harassment of Brown, if they ever ended,
seem to have resumed in the 1990s, as he emerged as an increasingly
prominent Muslim religious figure with a national as well as local
following. Ed Brown has raised the question as to whether a prominent
Muslim cleric like his brother can get a fair trial in the wake
of the September 11 attacks, at a time when hundreds of Muslim
immigrants continue to languish in indefinite detention with no
rights and no charges brought against them.
Al-Amins supporters include several hundred civil rights
activists, black political figures, Muslim religious leaders and
others who signed an advertisement published in the Atlanta
Journal-Constitution during the trial asking for a fair
and careful weighing of the evidence. The ad was signed
by Julian Bond, former Black Panther president Elaine Brown, poets
Sonia Sanchez and Amiri Baraka, folk singer Pete Seeger, and former
Washington DC Mayor Marion Barry, among others.
Coretta Scott King, the widow of Martin Luther King, Jr., also
issued a statement expressing her concern about fairness
and justice in the trial of Mr. Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin.
See Also:
Former Black Panther convicted in Atlanta,
Georgia murder trial
[11 March 2002]
Gag order against former
Black Panther leader on trial for murder
[11 January 2002]
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