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Iran: death sentence sparks protests and coup threats
By Justus Leicht
21 November 2002
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Following a week of student protests, the Iranian government
has apparently lifted a politically motivated death sentence.
The decision, however, has done nothing to dampen severe social
tensions, which have been exacerbated by pressure from the US.
Hashemi Aghajari, a professor of history, was accused of blasphemy
by a provincial court in the city of Hamadan and condemned to
death. Agharis offence was to make the remark that Moslems
are not apes and as a result are not obliged to blindly
follow their religious leaders. Following the sentence, students
demonstrated and boycotted classes at a number of universities
last week. Thousands of university students joined the protests
in Hamadan itself and in other citiesincluding Täbriz,
Isfahan, and above all in Tehran.
The political atmosphere in Iran was tense even before the
protests. Conflicts between the two main rival factions of the
Islamic government have escalated dramatically in recent months.
The so-called reformers around President Mohammed
Khatami, who dominate the Iranian parliament, have introduced
two laws into the parliament aimed at limiting the power of their
conservative rivals.
One of the laws would enable the president not merely to criticise,
but also punish, violations of the constitution, in particular
those committed by judges. Another law seeks to limit the power
of the Council of Guardians (a sort of Islamic constitutional
court) to reject candidates wishing to stand for election.
The Iranian judiciary, the Council of Guardians as well as
the Expediency Council, are, together with the countrys
media and military forces, dominated by conservative clerics.
Approval of the Council of Guardians is required to enact any
new laws. Should the council refuse to give its approval, then
the draft laws are passed on to the Expediency Council. The last
and most decisive decision is made by Irans religious leader
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who is also regarded as a conservative.
The conservative Iranian press and clergy carried out an inflammatory
campaign against the proposed laws. At the same time, the judiciary
banned newspapers of the reformers and imposed an
extraordinary number of death sentences in ordinary
criminal cases. These executions were carried out in particularly
barbaric fashion, with the condemned publicly hanged from building
site cranes. The sentence against Aghajari was merely the last
straw in this series of political provocations.
President Khatami and his supporters in parliament threatened
to organise a referendum should the laws be rejected. In the event
of a rejection of the referendum demand, they were prepared to
withdraw from all political institutionsa move equivalent
to delivering their widely hated opponents to angry popular reaction.
Both sides are opposed to any broad mobilisation of the population,
knowing very well that this could rapidly undermine the basis
of their rule. Both factions were concerned that the student protests
not extend beyond the universities, embrace broader popular layers
and become uncontrollable.
Ayatollah Khamenei reacted in two ways. At the beginning of
last week, he threatened to interveneif necessary with
the power of the peopleshould the three state organs
prove incapable of solving the crisis. The warning was interpreted
as a threat to instigate a coup by paramilitary militiasrevolutionary
guards and the Basij.. Secondly, he criticised
the sentencing of Aghajari and last weekend ordered a review of
the sentence. He undertook this measure even though Aghajari himself
had demonstratively refrained from appealing the courts
decision. Observers assumed that the death sentence would probably
be reversed.
The conservative faction is split on this issue. Khameneis
instruction came shortly after a demonstration of 1,000 religious
fanatics who, at the end of Friday prayers, called for Aghajaris
execution. According to rumours, a hard-line faction led by the
powerful head of the Expediency Council, Hashemi Rafsanjani, was
working towards imposition of the sentence, the intervention of
the Iranian military against any protests, and the subsequent
establishment of an emergency regime.
The governments nervousness over the student protests
was noted by the British newspaper Financial Times in a
November 14 report. According to this report, the police chief
in Tehran personally took to the streets in front of the citys
main universityofficially to control trafficwith
the aim of preventing the protests spreading beyond the
campus.
According to the Financial Times: Irans
clerical establishment (is) well aware that many ordinary Tehranis
are waiting to join the university movement. I know I wont
be able to keep my two sons away if the students come out,
said one middle-aged mother, who took herself to the streets in
the 1979 revolution.
President Khatami criticised the death sentence in unmistakable
terms, but called at the same time for calm and against any escalation
of tensions. In particular, students should refrain from further
protests or at least ensure that any action was strictly limited
to the campuses, he said.
The biggest and most important student organisation, the Office
for the Consolidation of Unity (OCU), heeded this demand. All
demonstrations took place inside the universities. It was then
made known that, following Khameneis order to review the
judicial sentencing, all protests planned for this week have been
cancelled.
It is worth noting that even the OCU distanced itself from
the reformers after the latter had so thoroughly discredited
themselves with their cowardly and hesitant reaction. In contrast
to previous demonstrations, students this time shouted slogans
aimed directly against leading representatives of the governmentthe
Supreme Judge Ayatollah Mahmood Hashemi-Shahroodi, the religious
leader Khamenei and also against Khatami.
With the right wing of the government showing definite signs
of weakness and disunity, the next confrontation is already in
the cards. On the same weekend that Khamenei demanded a review
of the death sentence against Aghajari, the Council of Guardians
exercised a veto of the two laws passed by parliament.
US pressure
American pressure on the government is playing a crucial role
in the growth of tensions in Iran.
In military terms, Iran is almost completely encircled by US
troops. American military personnel are stationed in the Persian
Gulf, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and more recently in Afghanistan as
well as in Central Asia. Following a US war against Baghdad, American
forces would also confront Iran across its long border with Iraq.
The US is exercising enormous political pressure on the country.
In January, President Bush declared Iran part of an axis
of evil together with Iraq and North Korea. In July, he
broke with existing US policy and clearly distanced himself from
the reform wing led by Khatami. Since then, US Defense Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld, in particular, has repeatedly accused Iran of
supporting terrorists.
Some sections of the Iranian population labour under the illusion
that they can rid themselves of the despised Mullah government
with the help of the US and achieve democracy and prosperity via
links to the western powers. Down with the Taliban, in Kabul
and in Tehran, was one of the students slogans. According
to a poll carried out in September, a large majority of Tehrans
population favours re-establishing relations with the US, with
most expecting economic improvement as a result.
The Iranian government has reacted to foreign pressure by turning
increasingly to the West. The country is discussing a trade and
cooperation deal with the European Union, which has sought to
encourage the reform wing in Iran and has criticised American
plans for an Iraq war. Most European countries already enjoy lucrative
trade relations with Iran. The EU failed to make any public comment
on the sentencing of Aghajari. Instead Denmark, which currently
occupies the EU council presidency, confirmed last week that the
EU parliament seeks critical dialogue with Iran.
Behind the scenes, Iran is cooperating with US plans for war
with Iraq. Tehran has assured the US that it will accept the violation
of its airspace by American fighter planes involved in hostile
action. Iran will also come to the aid of any planes or ships
shot down or damaged in Iranian territory in the course of conflict.
Additionally, according to American newspapers, the Iranian navy
recently helped in imposing the oil embargo on Iraq. The Iranian-based
opposition group Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution
in Iraq (SCIRI), meanwhile, has received a green light from
Iranian official circles to coordinate its activities with the
American military.
According to a November 11 report by United Press International,
the collaboration goes further. The report states that contact
officers have been appointed by US Central Command to discuss
logistical issues with Iran, such as the dispatch of heavy bridge
components through Iran enabling US troops to cross the Euphrates
river. In addition, there are strong rumours inside the
Special Forces community that Iranian specialist troops have been
inserted alongside US and British Special Forces teams now in
the marsh districts of southern Iraq.
The article also claims that Syrias recent support for
the United Nations resolution on weapons inspections in Iraq was
largely the result of pressure from Iran. In the meantime, the
Lebanese-based Hezbollah movement has openly sided with Iran and
notably refused to meet with Iraqs foreign minister during
his recent visit to Lebanon. Hezbollah is supported by both Syria
and Iran.
Despite these developments, Washington is continuing to pressure
Iran. The US State Department sharply criticised the death sentence
against Aghajari. Meanwhile, a meeting planned for this week in
New York between Irans ambassador to the UN and members
of US Congress has been called off for the time being.
See Also:
Social tensions escalate conflicts
within Iranian regime
[6 September 2002]
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