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Kenyan elite manoeuvre as war looms in Middle East
By David Rowan
5 November 2002
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The Electoral Commission of Kenya recently announced that presidential
elections have been set for December 27. The announcement follows
weeks of political infighting within the ruling Kenya African
National Union (KANU) government that led to a split in the party.
Political tensions in Kenya, and especially within KANU itself,
have been heightened due to a number of factors.
President Daniel arap Moi is obliged by the constitutionset
up after the introduction of multi-party elections in 1991to
step down after two consecutive five-year terms in office. He
was re-elected president in 1997, having previously been elected
in 1992.
Political volatility surrounding the nomination of KANUs
presidential candidate in the upcoming elections increased when
Moi announced that he was backing 41-year-old Uhuru Kenyatta as
his successor. Moi said that his choice of candidate would be
put to a voice vote of up to 4,000 delegates who were
to attend a KANU conference set for mid-October.
Uhuru Kenyatta is the son of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, who ruled
the country from 1963 until his death in 1978. According to reports,
Kenyatta is viewed by his rivals within the KANU government as
a malleable political apprentice whom Moi will manipulate from
behind the scenes.
A BBC report states that Kenyatta only became involved in politics
in 1997 when he was elected chairman of his hometown branch of
KANU. In the general election of the same year Kenyatta contested
the Gatundu parliamentary seat that was once held by his father.
Although he was expected to win the seat comfortably he lost to
a little known political figure and vowed to quit politics altogether
and return to his extensive family business enterprises.
In 1999, with the tacit approval of President Moi, Kenyatta
was appointed chairman of the Kenya Tourism Board where he worked
with Nicholas Biwott, who was, according to the BBC, a close
confidante of Moi. In October Kenyatta was nominated to
parliament and then progressed smoothly into the cabinet. In March
2002 he was electedalong with four other leading KANU government
ministersvice chairman of KANU.
Some reports have raised the possibility that one factor in
Mois backing for Kenyatta is that the president wants a
loyal successor who will protect him and his family from
legal action once he leaves office.
According to the Washington Post, political analysts
view Kenyattas election as a way of allowing the outgoing
president to continue a thriving system of patronage
that will shield Moi from any prosecution over allegations
of widespread corruption during his 24 years in power.
Moi has stated that he has no intention of disappearing from
the political scene in Kenya and told reporters, I am not
retiring from politics and will remain KANUs leader.
At press conferences Kenyatta has stated that he represents
a new generation in Kenyan politics determined to tackle the countrys
deepening poverty and reputation for corruption. One statement
by Kenyatta read like an indictment of the policies and perspective
of the government he represents, when he told reporters that Kenya
was faced with a number of critical challenges, including
high poverty levels, serious unemployment, crippling domestic
debt, poor infrastructure and failing institutions.
He made no suggestions on how to tackle these major problems
if he were elected, but instead called for an amnesty for those
accused of corruption under Mois government and stated that
he was sending out a message of reconciliation, forgiveness
and reform.
In August a number of leading KANU ministerswho each
viewed themselves as a potential successor to Moiopenly
criticised the presidents choice of candidate and called
for the presidential nomination decision to be reached through
a secret ballot.
Energy Minister Raila Odinga and former vice president George
Saitoti have, together with a number of government ministers,
formed a faction within KANU named the Rainbow Alliance and have
begun discussions with opposition parties. Saitoti declared that
he was going to stand as a KANU presidential candidate against
Kenyatta and was subsequently sacked by Moi, together with other
leading KANU figures who accused Moi of foisting the
Kenyatta nomination on the party.
The sacking of government ministers and Mois determination
to push through his choice of political successor led to a number
of defections from KANU and the development of closer ties between
the Rainbow Alliance and opposition parties.
The Rainbow Alliance, led by Raila Odinga, renamed itself the
Liberal Democratic Party and joined the newly formed National
Alliance Party of Kenya (NAPK) led by Mwai Kibaki, which was created
through a coalition of opposition parties, including the Democratic
Party, Forum for the Restoration of Democracy-Kenya (Ford-Kenya)
and the National Party of Kenya.
The new amalgamation was renamed the National Alliance Rainbow
Coalition and selected Mwai Kibaki as its presidential candidate
for the 2002 elections. Kibaki pledged to introduce a new constitution
that would create the position of prime minister and severely
reduce the role of the president. He also called for the revival
of an Anti-Corruption Commission to fight widespread corruption
within the government.
He directed his attacks towards the outgoing president and
sought to portray all of the problems confronting Kenya as being
the responsibility of Moi alone. He told reporters that under
a government headed by him corruption would be fought from the
top and the top is obviously the president. He revealed
more than he intended about the corruption endemic throughout
the ruling elite in Kenya, saying, The new government will
not need to be bribed to do what it should.
Kibaki, 71,was a leading KANU government functionary serving
as finance minister from 1969 to 1982 and vice president of the
party from 1978 to 1988. Despite opposing the introduction of
multi-party elections while still a member of KANU at the beginning
of the 1990s, he went on to found the Democratic Party in 1991.
Raila Odinga merged his National Democratic Party (NDP) with
KANU in March 2002, seeing the merger as the best means to enhance
his political career. According to Africa Confidential,
Odinga saw his move into KANU as offering the opportunity to grab
a plum job after concluding that he could beat
KANU only by joining it.
When it became clear that Moi and a section of the Kenyan ruling
elite had made up their minds who was to replace the president,
Odinga jumped ship and put himself forward as NARCs candidate
for prime minister. Under constitutional changes demanded by the
opposition coalition this would place power in the hands of Odinga,
leaving Kibaki as merely a figurehead.
On October 25, two days before a convention was due to begin
work on the proposals of the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission
(CKKC) for a drastic reduction in presidential powers, Moi dissolved
parliament. The president then stated that the CKKC would have
to halt its work, given that the parliament that created it had
been dissolved.
It is possible that Moi is acting with the tacit approval of
the Bush administration. The Washington Post report emphasises
the importance of Kenya within the Horn of Africa region and its
strategic importance in the US governments planned war against
Iraq. What the Bush administration needs in Kenya in the coming
period is a smooth transfer of power and relative stability. The
future of this East African nation has become increasingly important
to the United States because Kenya is a relatively stable American
ally in a neighbourhood that includes the warring nations of Sudan,
Somalia, Rwanda and Congo. It may also be crucial if the United
States decides to attack Iraq. Under agreements with the United
States, Kenya could lend its Indian ocean bases, the Post
states.
None of the individuals or parties that are to stand in the
December elections speak in the name of the vast majority of the
population of Kenya. None of the issues facing the workers and
masses of Kenya are addressed by any party and the political climate
is dominated by the squabblings of the ruling elite as it thrashes
out how best to defend its privileged position at the expense
of the impoverished majority. All talk, whether of new constitutions
or the tackling of corruption, is directed towards the institutions
of the Western powers.
See Also:
Threat of Middle East war spurs
grab for West African oil
[20 August 2002]
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