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America
New York Times urges debate to prepare
war
By Bill Vann
5 October 2002
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In the frenzied drive towards war against Iraq, some voices
have been raised from within the political establishment and the
media lamenting the politicization of the war issue
for partisan advantage in the midterm elections. Senate Majority
Leader Thomas Daschle angrily accused Republicans of impugning
Democrats commitment to national security, while the Democratic
Party leadership as a whole has advanced a cowardly strategy of
quickly rubber-stamping a military intervention in order to then
shift public discussion to the economy.
House Minority Leader Richard Gephardt and the rest of the
Democratic congressional leadership have already acted upon this
plan, beginning the process of ramming through a resolution giving
Bush unlimited powers to launch a preemptive war against
Iraq whenever and however he chooses.
The New York Times has weighed into this squalid non-debate
to urge solemn discussion and measured deliberation.
In an editorial entitled A Time for Debate and Reflection,
the newspaper warns that in the rush to line up behind the White
House war plans, the Democrats may be doing a disservice to US
national interests.
The editorial is typical of a certain style the Times
editorialists have perfected. It combines a sanctimonious invocation
of high-minded civic virtues with the ludicrous pretense that
the criminal political methods and aims of the present ruling
establishment have anything to do with such sentiments.
Flag-waving sound bites with an eye to next months
hotly contested midterm elections will not be enough, the
Times declares in its October 3 lead editorial. There
are too many crucial issues that require deeper examination than
they have had so far.
The Times does not include among these crucial
issues whether or not war is justified and the pretexts
advanced by the Bush administration for invading Iraq are valid.
Whether or not the US has the right to carry out an unprovoked
invasion of Iraq for the purpose of overthrowing its government
is likewise excluded from the discussion. Deliberation is to be
reserved for how best to prepare a war, not how to prevent it.
No further debate is needed to establish that Saddam
Hussein is an evil dictator whose continued effort to build unconventional
weapons in defiance of clear United Nations prohibitions threatens
the Middle East and beyond, this semi-official voice of
what once passed for American liberalism declares.
Precisely what debate has taken place on this question the
Times does not say. The endless repetition of the mantra
of weapons of mass destruction notwithstanding, the
Bush administration has offered no evidence that the Iraqi regime
has such weapons or represents a threat to anyone outside of its
own people.
Many familiar with Iraqs military capabilities, including
former weapons inspector Scott Ritter, have categorically asserted
that the country has been effectively disarmed since the first
Persian Gulf War. One telling indication that no evidence exists
to support the administrations charges is the CIAs
stonewalling of Senate Intelligence Committee requests for reports
on Iraqi weapons capabilities.
The claim that the US is in imminent danger of a chemical,
biological or nuclear attack from Iraq is a barefaced lie aimed
at terrorizing the American public, and the Bush administration,
the Democrats in Congress and the editors of the Times
all know it. That is the reason that no further debate is
neededor allowableon this issue.
There has been no debate whatsoever on the real aims of the
US war drivethe seizure of Iraqs oil wealth and the
assertion of US global hegemony. Even mention of these long-standing
strategic objectives is for the most part avoided through a rigorous
self-censorship by the mass media. Instead, the public is fed
a steady diet of weapons of mass destruction and the
need to overthrow the evil dictator.
It is worth noting that the Times, just the day before
this editorial appeared, did publish an article on the wars
potential impact on petroleum prices, the oil industry and the
American capitalist economy in general.
A market awash in Iraqi oil would mean lower pricesan
economic boon to the United States, the worlds top consumer
of oil, the article noted. As before the gulf war,
there is a sharp debate about the extent to which oil is driving
Washingtons policies toward Iraq, it continued. That
would seem inevitable, given the potential of Iraqi oil fields.
Its not about oil, but becomes about oil, said
Lawrence J. Goldstein, president of the Petroleum Industry Research
Foundation, a research group.
When they say its not about the oil, its about
the oil. But the gentlemen at the Times have no interest
in opening up a debate on this predatory motive for the explosive
development of US militarism. They are proposing only a discussion
on the most effective tactical means to prepare a US invasion.
Thus, the editorial counsels Congress to make clear its
expectation that all diplomatic avenues be thoroughly explored,
and emphasize the need for the broadest international unity.
In other words, the United Nations should be utilized in the preparation
for war. This means following through on the provocations Washington
has begun around the weapons inspection regime and securing a
pseudo-legal justification for a war of unprovoked aggression.
The editorial suggests that the American public should be prepared
for a level of slaughter that it has not experienced in generations.
There could be urban clashes like those Americans experienced
in Somalia, but on a vastly larger scale, the newspaper
warns. If Baghdad sees war as inevitable, it might launch
a preemptive attack of its own as American forces are assembling
in the region.
Likewise, the Times advises, Americans must think
more seriously about the shape of postwar Iraq and the regional
upheavals that could follow changes in Baghdad.... Reconstituting
it as a democracy could take years and a substantial American
commitment. At the same time, the neo-colonial nature of such
an endeavor could produce a fierce backlash by Iraqis and others
in the region.
Which Americans must give more thought to a postwar
Iraq? The Times editorialists write as if they were living
in some ideal democratic society, with policies being hammered
out at a town meeting. The nature of the regime that will be imposed
on the Iraqis will be worked out in secret by a handful of gangsters
at the top of the Bush administration working through the CIA
and the military.
Inadvertently, however, the Times begins to let the
cat out of the bag. A US invasion and occupation of Iraq would
indeed constitute a neo-colonial endeavor. This effort
will not be directed at reconstituting Iraq as a democracy.
The objective of colonialism, today no less than 100 years ago,
is to extract the wealth of the colonized territory in order to
increase the profits and strengthen the geopolitical position
of the colonizer.
Such a relationship will require a ruthless dictatorship. The
British set the standard when they first occupied the territory
of Iraq in the aftermath of World War I, sending in a Mesopotamia
Expeditionary Force of some 100,000 troops. For over a decade,
the Britishwho proclaimed that they were civilizing
the Arabs, much as the Times today promises democracycarried
out punitive expeditions and aerial bombardments against villages
deemed in revolt against colonial rule or for merely failing to
pay their taxes.
Should the threat of massive casualtiesboth Iraqi and
USand the prospect of an open-ended military occupation
of what will effectively become an American colony dissuade Washington
from going to war? The Times editors make no such suggestion.
Rather, they merely caution: The likely consequences of
war in Iraq extend far beyond Novembers elections. The Congressional
debate must be equally farsighted.
Any such debate in Congress will be conducted within the narrow
parameters of what serves the interests of the financial oligarchy
that controls both political parties. It will in no way reflect
the broad opposition and disquiet in relation to war that currently
exists among the vast majority of working people in the US. They
are the ones who will be forced to pay the priceboth the
deaths of working class youth used as cannon fodder and the vast
sums to be spent on war as well as the economic dislocation that
will inevitably result.
The necessity of a real farsighted debate is posed by the unity
of Republicans and Democratsfrom the right-wing ideologues
of the Bush administration to the erstwhile liberals of the New
York Timesbehind war. That debate, over how war can
be stopped, can only take place within the broad mass of the working
population. A serious consideration of this life-and-death question
points inexorably to the necessity of building a new, independent
political movement of the working class fighting against war and
militarism and for social equality.
See Also:
US media begins preparing
the public for mass slaughter in Iraq
[28 September 2002]
US press enlists for war on
Iraq
[25 September 2002]
Oil and conspiracy theories:
a reply to a liberal apologist for the US war in Afghanistan
[20 September 2002]
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