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Canada intensifies support for US war on Iraq
By Keith Jones
15 January 2003
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Canadas Liberal government has served notice that Canada
will support and participate in a US-conquest of Iraq and do so
irrespective of whether the United Nations Security Council has
sanctioned military action.
Speaking on January 9 following a meeting with US Defense Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld, Canadian Defence Minister John McCallum said,
If ... the Security Council authorizes the use of force
... then Canada will definitely be part of that military group.
Asked if Canada would also join a US-led invasion of Iraq if
UN authorization was not forthcoming, McCallum said, Some
may say, Were doing it only with a UN mandate.
Were saying we much prefer that, but we may do it otherwise....
If the situation is grey or murky, we reserve the right to make
our decision at that time.
McCallum revealed that a small delegation of military planners
are already in Tampa, Florida, working with the US Central Command
to determine the scope and nature of Canadas contribution
to a US-led invasion. And the Canadian navy continues to deploy
ships in the Persian Gulf where they are working as an integral
part of a US aircraft carrier group that is policing the punishing
sanctions imposed on Iraq and busily preparing for a Second Gulf
War.
McCallum cast his comment about Canadian participation in a
US invasion without UN Security Council sanction in the conditional.
But it has been widely and correctly interpreted as signaling
that the Canadian government will stand with the US in its drive
to unseat Saddam Hussein and occupy Iraq come what may. We
will, in other words, likely go with pretty much whatever the
United States sets out to achieve, declared Canadas
most important daily, the Globe and Mail, in an editorial
that parsed McCallums remarks .
This is a significant, if predictable, shift in the Liberal
governments position on the US-Iraq conflict. In a year-end
television interview, Prime Minster Jean Chretien had said Canada
would only join military action against Iraq if approved by the
UN Security Council. Although under his own government Canada
participated in the 1999 NATO assault on Yugoslaviawhich
was mounted without UN authorizationChretien claimed that
we in Canada never went to war without the authorization
of the United Nations.
The Chretien governments now abandoned insistence on
the need for UN Security Council authorization had a double motivation,
neither of which had anything to do with the plight of the Iraqi
people. Canadas elite fears a unilateral, to say nothing
of unprovoked, US war against Iraq will cause a major rift between
the US and Europe and shatter the system of multilateral relations
and institutions through which it has sought to offset US geopolitical
and economic power so as to pursue its own predatory interests.
Second, the Liberals recognize that the vast majority of Canadians
oppose a US war on Iraq. UN sanction, they calculate, would give
US military action a cover of pacific and international legitimacy.
Why the shift in the Liberals policy
If the Chretien government has now identified itself more closely
with the US war drive, even as polls show opposition to war growing,
it is because it has become convincedthe public pronouncements
of various ministers notwithstandingthat the Bush administration
is hell-bent on invading Iraq and that the interests of Canadian
capital can be best served by bowing to the inevitable sooner
rather than later. Significantly, France, Germany and several
other states that previously expressed major reservations about
the US war drive have also in recent days shifted in the direction
of supporting all-out war against Iraq.
McCallum refused to answer questions at his January 9 press
conference about the size and character of Canadas contribution
to a US assault on Iraq. But he was at pains to downplay media
reports that Canadian military officials posted to the Central
Command had been excluded from British-US war planning meetings.
There was a time, said the defense minister, when
we had not indicated our position at all on Iraq and some planning
went on in our absence. But we subsequently indicated we are interested
[in joining the attack on Iraq] and the moment we so indicated
we were involved in those discussions. McCallum added that
Rumsfeld, who along with Vice President Cheney is the leading
hawk in the top-levels of the Bush administration, had been very
happy with what I said to him.
McCallums comments have been derided by much of Canadas
political establishment as too little too late. Typical was Tory
defense critic Elsie Waynes claim that Canadas armed
forces are too under-funded and under-manned to make any real
contribution to a war on Iraq. What bothers me, said
Wayne, is that Finance Minister John Manley and the prime
minister arent addressing the situation with our defense
and the need for money to be put there to give our troops the
tools to do the job if there is a war with Iraq or North Korea
or wherever. In fact, the Liberals have indicated base military
spending will be increased significantly in the forthcoming federal
budget.
As for the aforementioned Globe and Mail, it has chastised
the Liberal government for failing to pledge unconditional support
to the US earlier, even while criticizing the Bush administration
for not having made clear why a war against Iraq is necessary.
Contrasting the Chretien governments stance unfavorably
to that of British Prime Minister Tony Blair, the Globe
argued Canada can only retain influence with Washington if it
recognizes Canadas interest demands it be allied with
the United States: Theres a term in the business
world, first-mover advantage: act early and win the
spoils. For Canada, geopolitical advantage might have come from
arriving at [McCallums] inevitable policy pronouncement
some time ago.... Instead the Chretien government offers me-too-ism.
The Globes position reflects the view of the most
powerful sections of Canadas corporate elite, which believe
that just as Canadian capital had to abandon its traditional national
economic policy and enter into a free trade agreement with the
US to survive in a new era of global economic competition, so
it must forge a new strategic partnership with the US to defend
its interests within the new and increasingly unstable global
geopolitical order. Yesterday, Thomas DAquino, the head
of the Canadian Council of Chief executives, initiated a campaign
for a joint Canada-US North American security perimeter.
Canadas military, meanwhile, has increasingly pushed
against the bar on criticism of civilian political authorities
in its campaign for massive increases in military spending and
closer military collaboration with the US. According to a report
in the National Post, the top brass of the Canadian Armed
Forces (CAF) is pushing for the biggest possible Canadian contribution
to a US war on Iraqincluding ships, fighter planes and a
brigade group of up to 3,000 mechanized infantry. The Post
quotes Colonel Alain Pellerin, a retired CAF officer and executive
director of the Conference of Defence Associations, as saying,
The feeling among the army is that this is their last chance
to show the country what they can do.
See Also:
On eve of US war against Iraq: the political
challenge of 2003
[6 January 2003]
Aide to Canadian prime
minister replaced for calling Bush a moron
[28 November 2002]
Canada: Thousands
demonstrate against war on Iraq
[19 November 2002]
Canada falls in line
behind US war drive
[15 October 2002]
Canadas elite
clamours for huge increase in military spending
[8 October 2002]
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