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Australian intelligence inquiry into Bali warnings "a
whitewash"
By Laura Tiernan
7 January 2003
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The findings of an inquiry by Australias Inspector General
of Intelligence Services (IGIS) into the Bali bombing, which were
released last month, have been condemned by relatives of the victims
as a whitewash.
In parliament on December 10, Prime Minister John Howard declared
that the the core conclusion was that there
was no intelligence warning of the 12 October terrorist attacks
in Bali. Yet the IGIS inquiry has provided no evidence to
substantiate this conclusion.
Howard initiated the inquiry in October after revelations that
intelligence warnings of a possible terror strike in Indonesia
were not passed on to the public. He hoped it would quell public
anger and suspicion and let his government off the hook.
His choice of an IGIS inquiry was no accident. IGIS is a small
agency attached to the Prime Ministers own department. Unlike
a Royal Commission or a Senate Inquiry, all its deliberations,
including the taking of evidence and submissions, take place behind
closed doors. Only a three-page introduction and summary
of IGISs findings is available to the public. The remainder
of the report is classified information.
Even this general summary, however, points to the inquirys
perfunctory character. As the document explains, IGIS has powers
equivalent to a Royal Commission. It can compel the presentation
of documents as well as force intelligence personnel and government
ministers to testify under oath. But none of these powers were
exercised.
According to Inspector-General Bill Blick, the Australian security
agencies complied energetically and enthusiastically with
all the inquirys requests. This is not surprising
as IGIS relied entirely on information that the agencies provided
voluntarily. In other words, it assumed from the outset that the
agencies had nothing to hide or cover up.
The investigation had unfettered access to the premises,
personnel and records of the intelligence and security agencies,
but limited itself to keyword searches of electronic files as
well as an examination of some paper files. Even these were carried
out largely by teams within the agencies rather than the inquiry
staff.
The inquirys threadbare investigative methods included
a circular to intelligence staff asking anyone who had seen
or heard of, or who believed they may have seen or heard of
any relevant intelligence to bring it to the notice of the
agency or this inquiry. In other words, staff were asked
to volunteer information that had the potential to embarrass the
agency concerned. Only one person stepped forward, not with specific
information, but to offer views on intelligence collection
and analysis.
Howard ensured that the inquirys terms of reference were
narrowly definedto examine whether the bombing at the Sari
Club in Bali on October 10 could have been predicted or not. As
a result, the outcome was largely predetermined, with all evidence
not pointing to a specific time and location effectively ignored.
Blick found that in the months before the attack, there
were numerous intelligence indications of possible terrorist activity,
including activity in Indonesia, with foreign interests or foreigners
as likely targets. He even found, but dismissed, a foreign
report that included Bali as a possible target. Yet he nevertheless
concluded that there was no intelligence warning of the
attack and that the risk assessments to travellers at the
time were appropriate and realistic.
While Australias intelligence services were spared serious
scrutiny, the Howard governments role was not even a subject
of investigation. Blick had nothing to say about the performance
of the Department of Foreign Affairs because the Prime Minister
did not direct him to do so as part of the terms of reference.
Opposite conclusions was reached by a similar inquiry conducted
in the British parliament by the Commons Intelligence and Security
Committee. Its findings, released on December 11, were that a
threat existed to western tourists in Indonesia; the largest concentration
of western tourists there is on Bali; and they gather there in
large numbers in a limited number of nightclubs. These facts should
have been recognised by the Security Service (MI5) as pointing
to a potential target. This was a serious misjudgment and meant
that the Security Service did not assess the threat correctly
and, therefore, raise the level of threat to high.
The British inquiry concluded that while there was no specific
warning of an attack in Bali, there was generic threat information
about Indonesia and the security services should have upgraded
the countrys threat assessment from significant
to high. British diplomatic staff in Indonesia were warned
as early as February of a heightened security risk.
Public kept in dark
The British committee found that in the lead-up to October
12, subscribers to a Foreign Office web service were emailed twice
with safety warnings about Indonesia. The second of these, on
October 3, warned recipients they should stay away from bars and
nightclubs. Yet none of this advice was passed on to the British
public via the Foreign Office website or travel agencies.
In Australia, the public was also kept in the dark, despite
evidence showing intelligence officers were aware of dangers.
Melbournes Herald Sun revealed that senior military
personnel en route to Indonesia were warned to avoid bars and
clubs frequented by tourists. The advice to the public was that
tourist services in Bali were operating normally.
The US government, based on CIA intelligence, had twice warned
its citizens in Indonesia prior to the Bali bombing to avoid
large gatherings known to cater primarily to Western clientele
including certain bars, restaurants and tourist areas. Howard
first denied, then was forced to admit that Australian intelligence
agencies had received the CIA information.
The IGIS inquiry simply dismissed public allegations
that warnings had been issued before the attack, declaring
that none of these proved to have any substance. But
Blick provided no evidence to disprove any of them.
The IGIS findings provoked angry reactions from relatives of
the victims. More than 190 people were killed in the terrorist
attack, including 88 Australians. Brian Deegan, whose 22-year-old
son Joshua was killed in Bali, condemned the report. The
spooks are investigating the spooks he told the Adelaide
Advertiser. Why should we believe anything in this because
its an inside job.
Joe Golotta, the uncle of Bali victim Angela Golotta, 19, told
the World Socialist Web Site the report was a whitewash.
He explained that the findings contradicted earlier admissions
by the Howard government.
Alexander Downer [Foreign Minister] has written there
were threats and he passed on the information to the embassy staff
in Indonesia. He also said hed passed it on to people in
the tourism industry and basically left it at that. I thought
that was pretty weak. It should have been in the media itself
and let the people themselves decide whether its a big enough
threat or notlet them make that decision.
I find it just totally ridiculous that the government
didnt warn the people. They should have warned the people
of a possible threat. Its totally inept of them as far as
Im concerned.
Golotta travelled to Bali in the immediate aftermath of the
bombing to give assistance to his brother and sister-in-law. He
spoke of the disorganisation and chaos surrounding the treatment
of the injured and the identification of bodies. His comments
underscore the fact that the Howard governments war
on terror has nothing to do with protecting the lives and
well-being of ordinary people.
After September 11, I would have thought that theyd
have some sort of contingency plan for such a major event. It
took forever. It took from Saturday night when the bombing happened,
about four or five days before they got things in order. Sure,
they got the Hercules [transport aircraft] up there and got the
injured people out. But the remaining people that were there,
all the dead people, there was just no order.
No-one had flown up there at all. It was ridiculous.
They didnt have a contingency plan for a major event. They
hide behind the politics of it saying it was in Indonesia,
we cant step on their toes. As far as Im concerned
thats a lot of crap, because if theyd flown over there
with a Hercules full of doctors and equipment theyd have
been welcomed with open arms because [the Indonesians] were in
desperate need of help.
See Also:
Bali victim's father
indicts Australian government
[5 December 2002]
Violent police
raids in Sydeny and Perth
Bali bombing used to activate repressive laws in Australia
[31 October 2002]
Australian government
uses Bali atrocity to demand new repressive powers
[19 October 2002]
Anger mounts over
Australian government's failure to give Bali warning
[17 October 2002]
Washington seizes
on Bali terror bombing to demand crackdown in Indonesia
[14 October 2002]
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