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Indonesia launches shock and awe military offensive
in Aceh
By Peter Symonds
22 May 2003
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Exactly five years after the fall of military strongman Suharto,
the Indonesian armed forces (TNI) have unleashed a military offensive
that recalls the worst atrocities of the dictatorship. Indonesian
President Megawati Sukarnoputri gave the green light on Monday
for the TNI to carry out its own massive shock and awe
operation aimed at destroying the separatist Free Aceh Movement
(GAM) and terrorising the local population in northern Sumatra.
Like the US-led invasion of Iraq, Indonesias generals
aim to crush GAM through overwhelming military superiority. More
than 30,000 troops have been massed in the region backed by 23
naval vessels, warplanes, tanks, armoured vehicles and artillery.
Another 13,000 police, including heavily-armed Brimob paramilitary
units, are involved in the operation against an estimated 5,000
poorly-armed GAM guerrilla fighters.
At a briefing in Acehs capital of Banda Aceh on Tuesday,
TNI chief General Endriartono Sutarto exhorted his officers to
hunt down and wipe out the GAM rebels. If they continue
to be stubborn and raise arms, and continue to cause suffering
to the people, then your sole duty is to exterminate them.
Army Chief General Ryamizard Ryacudu chillingly told the media
that it should concentrate on the militarys right to maintain
Indonesias territorial integrity rather than on religion,
human rights and democracy.
The meaning of these statements is all too clear from the TNIs
brutal record in Aceh under the Suharto dictatorship. More than
12,000 people, many of them civilians, died during the militarys
efforts from the mid-1970s to destroy GAM fighters. In the decade
prior to his ousting in 1998, Suharto declared Aceh to be a Military
Operations Area and poured thousands of troops into the province.
Thousands of civilians were raped, tortured or summarily executed
in these notorious counter-insurgency operations.
The current offensive will, if anything, be more ruthless.
For the military top brass, who have promised a quick victory,
it provides the opportunity to put their stamp on political affairs
as the defenders of the nation. The operation is aimed
at sending a message throughout the archipelago that the same
methods will be used against other separatist groups or indeed
any opposition. For Megawati, it provides the means to stir up
and exploit nationalist sentiment in the run up to presidential
elections due next year.
Unlike Iraq, however, the TNI is not fighting a regular army
or operating in open desert. While GAM is lightly armed, it is
experienced in guerrilla warfare and has demonstrated that it
commands considerable local sympathy. To exterminate
GAM requires not only hunting down and killing groups of guerrilla
fighters and destroying their bases, but cutting off their support
by terrorising local villages and towns. This modus operandi is
already evident in the first three days of the offensive.
The operation began on Monday with a massive display of force.
Three OV-10 Bronco attack aircraft used air-to-ground missiles
to strafe what was described as a suspected GAM stronghold. Hundreds
of paratroopers landed at an airfield near Banda Aceh and a large-scale
amphibious landing took place near the city of Lhokseumawe. The
purpose of these manoeuvres was not, as spokesman Lieutenant Colonel
Firdaus Kormano explained, to kill large numbers of rebels. We
just wanted to given some shock therapy to GAM, to make them mentally
and psychologically afraid of what the future holds.
What the future holds is most clearly indicated
by the torching of nearly 200 schools over the last three days.
While the military blames GAM for the arson attacks, everything
points to a coordinated campaign organised by the military as
part of plans to uproot the entire local population. The burnt-down
schools were concentrated in the rebel strongholds of Pidie and
Bireuen where such actions, if carried out by GAM, would only
alienate their local support.
Australian academic Damien Kingsbury told ABC radio, based
on sources inside Aceh, that not just schools were being burnt
but houses and villages as well. The history of GAM in Aceh
has been they havent done this. If you look at the history,
the form of the TNI in places like East Timor, and indeed in Aceh
in the past, they have a track record of burning schools and doing
things like this. Theres suddenly a huge influx of the Indonesian
military into Aceh and we see this pattern being repeated.
A first-hand report in the British-based Guardian newspaper
quoted a witness to the torching of a primary school in the Kroeng
Baro village. The woman, who was too terrified to give her name,
said: If they see my name in the paper they will kill me.
Especially because I think the perpetrators were [government]
soldiers from the type of camouflage uniforms they were wearing.
The article also reported that large areas of paddy fields near
Bireuen had been flooded, destroying rice crops.
Forced relocation
Such measures have only one purpose: to terrorise the local
population and drive them from their homes. The military tactics
are completely in line with what has been described as the humanitarian
component of the integrated operation. To protect
civilians in the war zone, the government plans to forcibly herd
them into camps under military guard.
Minister of Social Affairs Bachtiar Chamsyah announced on Monday
that his officials were preparing 82 temporary camps near major
towns and cities for up to 200,000 people. We are waiting
for an order from the military administration should they want
to comb a certain area in searches for rebels, we will move the
local people from their homes.
Mustafi Glanggang, chief of the Bireuen regency where the first
relocation is planned, told the Sydney Morning Herald that
the people could not refuse to leave. It wont happen
that people wont want to go. Their position is very weak.
If the [TNI] tells them to go they will move as nobody will be
able to protect them, he said.
Army spokesman Lieutenant-Colonel Yani Basuki confirmed that
the plan would go ahead and that soldiers would be used to guard
the camps. He refused to say whether camp residents would be free
to come and go as they wished. So far supplies for a planned influx
of up to 10,000 people at Bireuen are woefully inadequate: five
tents, 180 boxes of instant noodles and several hundred sleeping
mats.
The military has been granted sweeping powers throughout Aceh.
In authorising the offensive on Monday, Megawati also issued a
presidential decree placing the province under martial law, initially
for six months. The decree enables the military to set up road
blocks, impose curfews, control the movement of people and goods
into and out of the province, arrest and detain people without
charge for up to 40 days and control communications and media.
Taking another cue from the US invasion of Iraq, the TNI has
announced tough measures to censor the media, including plans
to embed journalists with military units. Acehs
military commander Major General Endang Suwarya declared on Wednesday
that Aceh was ill and therefore there should
not be news that confuses the people. We will bring
a halt to the news from the spokesmen of GAM because they are
turning the facts upside down, he said. All journalists
will have to be accredited with the military command.
Even the limited coverage of the militarys activities
in Aceh makes clear why censorship is being imposed.
* BBC journalist Orlando de Guzman reported yesterday that
at least eight men had been executed by troops in the village
of Mapa Mamplam in the eastern Bireuen area. He said that he had
entered the village as TNI forces were leaving and saw the bodies
of four men with bullet wounds to the back of their heads. Eyewitnesses
told him that eight men had been lined up and shot by the soldiers.
An Indonesian foreign ministry spokesman Marty Natelegawa later
dismissed the incident as stories aimed at discrediting
Jakarta.
* Mathew Moore from the Sydney Morning Herald reported
two cases in which TNI troops had raided houses in villages near
Acehs second largest city Lhokseumawe. In the early hours
of Tuesday morning, 20 soldiers stormed into a house in the village
of Kumbang and shot 31-year-old farmer Jamarludin as he tried
to escape. He was dragged to a vacant lot and further shots were
heard. Frantic family members denied that Jamarludin was a GAM
member. At around the same time, troops raided a house in the
nearby village of Blang, shot and took away another young man,
Juanda. Both houses were looted.
During his address to officers on Tuesday, TNI chief Sutarto
attempted to underscore his point that civilians would be respected
by dramatically declaring: If there are soldiers who do
violate [orders] and cause suffering to people in the field, then
just shoot them in the head. In response to written questions
from Mathew Moore, military spokesman Colonel Basuki announced
that an army sergeant had simply been detained over the looting
but no action had been taken over the shootings. The two were
shot while trying to escape, he declared. He confirmed
that Juanda was in hospital and Jamarludin was dead.
Peace talks collapse
Washington has provided more than just the shock and
awe tactics for the Indonesias military. The Bush
administrations doctrine of preemptive strikes
and its neo-colonial occupation of Iraq has set a precedent for
other governments to resort military means to defend their interests
and deal with political problems.
Dr Andrew Tan, from the Singapores Institute for Defence
and Strategic Studies, noted in the Christian Science Monitor
that Megawati and Philippine President Gloria Arroyo have both
recently dispensed with negotiations and launched military offensives
against armed separatist groupsin the Philippines, the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). This is the right time
to go back to war. In the context of the war on terrorism, there
are few, if any, diplomatic costs to seeking a military solution,
he said.
The TNIs offensive, however, does not appear to be Washingtons
preferred option for ending the conflict in the oil- and gas-rich
province. Last week the US, with the backing of Japan and the
European Union, stepped in to compel Jakarta to extend a deadline
for launching the operation and to participate in last ditch talks
in Japan to salvage a ceasefire arrangement reached in December.
Neither Megawati nor the military had any intention of negotiating
last weekend. Government officials arrived in Tokyo with a series
of new demands that amounted to an ultimatum for GAM to formally
abandon its demand for a separate state, accept an offer of limited
autonomy and hand over its weapons immediately. Under the ceasefire
arrangement GAM was due to hand over some of its weapons to international
monitors. Jakarta insisted the military take possession instead.
To further inflame tensions, Indonesian police arrested five GAM
negotiators, as they were about to board a flight to Japan.
Predictably the talks broke down but neither the US nor its
regional ally, Australia, has offered anything more than the most
oblique criticisms of Jakartas actions. US State Department
spokesman Richard Boucher declared Washington felt that possible
avenues to a peaceful resolution were not fully explored
in Tokyo. Australian Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Downer
expressed his hope that both sides would get back to the
diplomatic path before too long.
Both Washington and Canberra reiterated their commitment to
maintaining the territorial integrity of Indonesia,
effectively signalling to Jakarta that there will be no repeat
of the Australian-led UN military intervention into East Timor.
The complete silence of the Australian government over the atrocities
now being carried out in Aceh only underscores the fact that Canberras
expressions of outrage over the TNI-organised militia violence
in East Timor were simply the pretext for an intervention aimed
at securing control of the Timor Gap gas fields.
On Monday, the Indonesian military immediately moved to reassure
Washington that US corporate interestsabove all those of
the giant ExxonMobilwould be looked after by substantially
bolstering security forces around the natural gas fields and installations
in Aceh. The provinces lucrative gas reserves, which were
shamelessly plundered as a source of revenue under Suharto, have
been at the centre of the long-running conflict.
The GAM leadership emerged in 1976 as a representative of the
local Acehnese elites who resented rule from Jakarta and the siphoning
off of gas revenues. GAM was able to consolidate a following among
villagers who were mired in poverty under the Suharto junta and
subjected to more than two decades of repression at the hands
of the military.
Megawatis decision to impose martial law and authorise
the integrated operation in Aceh demonstrates that,
like Suharto, she has no solution to the growing social and political
tensions throughout Indonesia. The offensive confirms that the
former Suharto critic and so-called reformer has allied herself
with the most hard-line sections of the military hierarchy and
serves as a warning of the measures she will use in the future
against any political opposition.
See Also:
Indonesian military about to launch a
major offensive in Aceh
[13 May 2003]
Indonesian military
continues its repression in Aceh
[18 June 2002]
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