The Maher Arar case: Washingtons practice of torture
by proxy
By Keith Jones
18 November 2003
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Maher Arars poignant account of his treatment by US,
Jordanian and Syrian authorities constitutes a devastating exposure
of the illegal, arbitrary and barbaric methods Washington is employing
in the name of combating terrorism. It also raises vital questions
as to the role that the Canadian government and its police and
intelligence agencies played in delivering Arar into the hands
of his torturers. (See: Canadian authorities
complicit in Arars illegal detention and torture.)
A Canadian citizen of Syrian birth, Maher Arar was deported
by the US government to Syria via Jordan, with the understanding
that the Syrian regime would torture him on Washingtons
behalf. The US codename for this practice of torture by proxy
is extraordinary rendition.
Officially, US authorities deny that they place persons in
the hands of regimes that engage in torture. To do so contravenes
both international and US law. But in response to the outcry over
the Arar case, US officials have vigorously defended Washingtons
practice of contracting out interrogations to regimes notorious
for their brutality.
A senior US intelligence official told the Washington
Post that there have been a lot of rendition activities
since September 11, 2001, ...and they have been very productive.
The Post cites another unnamed US official as saying, Someone
might be able to get information we cant from detainees.
A third US official previously told the Post: We
dont kick the s- out of them. We send them to other
countries so they can kick the s- out of them.
Torture, in any circumstances, is abhorrent and illegal. But
in the case of Arar, the US had no credible evidence linking him
to any terrorist organization. His torture by Syrian military
personnel was a US state security-commissioned fishing expedition.
The 33-year-old computer and telecommunications technician
was detained by US immigration officials at New Yorks JFK
Airport in September 2002, while returning to Canada from Tunisia,
where he had been visiting his wifes family. During his
subsequent 12-day interrogation by immigration, New York City
Police and FBI personnel, Arar was strip-searched, placed in shackles,
denied food or sleep for a 28-hour stretch, injected with an unknown
substance, and bullied into signing documents he was not allowed
to read. For the first five days, Arar was not permitted to see
a lawyer or inform anyone, including his family or the Canadian
consulate, as to his whereabouts. They told me I had no
right to a lawyer, says Arar, because I was not an
American citizen.
Arar had frequently travelled to the US for his work, and only
a few months earlier had had his US work-permit extended. He was
thus shocked when his interrogators swore and screamed at him,
demanding he confess to terrorist ties. The basis of their claim
was guilt-by-association and wild extrapolation. Arar is an acquaintance
of another Syrian-Canadian who is believed to know an Egyptian-Canadian
whose brother was purportedly mentioned in an Al Qaeda document.
Throughout, Arar vigorously denied his interrogators
allegations. When he realized he might be deported to Syria, he
protested that as someone who had left that country so as not
to have to perform compulsory military duty and who had family
members who had been jailed for alleged ties to the Muslim Brotherhood,
he was certain to be tortured if returned there.
What Arar soon found out was that torture was exactly what
his US captors wanted.
Since the claim that Arar was implicated in terrorism was nothing
more than innuendo, suspicion and anti-Arab prejudice, US authorities
could not hold him indefinitely. After all, he had not been captured
in Afghanistan, where the US has ignored the Geneva Conventions
and applied its own rules for dealing with enemy combatants.
Nor was he even technically in violation of US immigration rules,
as were most of those caught up in the post-September 11 US government-dragnet.
Nonetheless, US authorities were determined not to cede to
Arars request that he be deported to Canada, the country
where he had resided for most of the past 15 years, where his
wife and two children live, and whose passport he was travelling
on. Had they done so, they undoubtedly could have called on the
Canadian police and intelligence agencies, with whom they cooperate
on a daily basis, to continue to investigate Arar. (Indeed, US
government officials have said that it was on the basis of intelligence
supplied by Canadian police and security agencies that they acted
against Arar.) Instead, they chose to render him to Syria, so
he could be detained indefinitely without trial and his interrogators
could continue using other, more savage, methods.
In the absence of his lawyer and Canadian consular representation,
an immigration hearing was held at which Arar was
told he was being expelled to Syria. They told me,
recalls Arar, that based on classified information that
they could not reveal to me, I would be deported to Syria. I said
again that I would be tortured there. Then they read part of the
document where it explained that INS was not the body that deals
with Geneva Convention regarding torture.
Arar was then transported to Washington, where he was placed
in the hands of a special removal unit and flown in
a small jet to Amman, Jordan.
Once in the custody of Jordanian security personnel, he was
blindfolded, shackled and driven round for half a day, during
which he was frequently physically attacked. Every time
I talked, reports Arar, they beat me. Finally
he was delivered to the Syrian border, from whence he was taken
to a Syrian military prison.
Arar would spend a total of 10 months in captivity in Syria.
For much of this time, he was held in solitary confinement in
a tiny cell that he has likened to a grave. It had no light,
it was three feet wide, it was six feet deep, it was seven feet
high... There was a small opening in the ceiling...and from time
to time, the cats peed through the opening into the cell... I
had moments I wanted to kill myself.
Arar was repeatedly assaulted with an electric cable, threatened
with even more severe forms of torture and forced to endure the
screams of fellow prisoners. Interrogators constantly threatened
me with the metal chair, tire and electric shocks. The tire is
used to restrain prisoners while they torture them with beating
on the soles of their feet. I guess I was lucky, because they
put me in the tire, but only as a threat.
The full text of Arars November 4 press statement, which
recounts his experience in harrowing detail, can be viewed at
this
address.
The chargé daffaires at Syrias US embassy,
Imad Moustafa, has admitted that Syria imprisoned Arar at the
USs request: They told us he was an al Qaeda activist,
so we took him and put him in custody.
That Arar was being held and tortured by the Syrians on behalf
of Washington is underscored by the timing of his release. Arar
was allowed to return home to Canada in mid-October, shortly after
the US had endorsed an Israeli bombing raid against Syria.
Washington routinely levels accusations of torture against
regimes that have run afoul of the USs economic and geo-political
interests. But, as the Arar case demonstrates, such condemnations
are utterly hypocritical. The Bush administration feels no more
bound by international and US laws that forbid torture and rendering
persons into the hands of torturers, than it does by international
and US constitutional prohibitions banning detention without trial
and pre-emptive wars.
See Also:
Washington Post shrugs its shoulders
over torture victim case
[13 November 2003]
US high court to hear Guantanamo appeal
[12 November 2003]
The CIAs international
dirty war: US oversees, abduction, torture, execution of
alleged terrorists
[20 March 2003]
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