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Makiko Tanaka returns to political prominence in Japan
By James Conachy
28 November 2003
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At the November 19 opening session of the newly elected Japanese
parliament, the former foreign minister Makiko Tanaka formally
aligned herself with the main opposition Democratic Party (DPJ)
against the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Prime Minister
Junichiro Koizumi.
According to media reports, she was personally invited to join
the DPJ parliamentary group by its leader Naoto Kan. While she
has not become a member of the DPJ, she will support its policies
and vote alongside its members. The DPJ in return will facilitate
her speaking and asking questions from the floor of parliament.
Kan told the media he expected Tanaka to cooperate with or even
lead the opposition efforts to replace the LDP-led government.
In her opening broadside against Koizumi and his policies,
Tanaka told a throng of reporters outside the parliament that
Japanese domestic politics had not changed at all
under his administration and denounced the governments intention
to deploy troops to assist the US occupation of Iraq as absurd.
The November 9 election saw the LDPs majority reduced,
in part due to opposition to sending Japanese forces to the Middle
East and the DPJs criticisms of Koizumis slow pace
of economic restructuring. The ruling party won 237 seats, while
the DPJ won 177, its largest ever tally of seats. The election
also demonstrated that much of the population is alienated from
both the major parties. Turnout in the election was barely 60
percent.
Tanaka will bring to the DPJ a significant base of support
among the urban middle class and younger Japanese. The daughter
of former prime minister and political powerbroker Kakeui Tanaka,
she was perhaps the best-known politician in Japan by the end
of the 1990s. Using her family wealth and the media, she promoted
radical free market measures to resurrect Japans stagnant
economy and built her reputation with fiery denunciations of the
bureaucratic and ossified LDP leadership. Tanaka also advocated
a lessening of Japans postwar security dependence on the
US and called for Tokyo to develop closer ties with China and
other neighbours, such as South Korea and Russia.
In the April 2001 LDP leadership contest, Koizumi successfully
enlisted Tanakas support for his bid to take control of
the ruling party from the dominant, largely protectionist factions.
After five LDP prime ministers in just seven years, she described
Koizumi as the ruling partys last card to restructure
the economy. Her support assisted substantially in rallying the
LDP rank-and-file behind Koizumi. In exchange for her backing,
Tanaka was given the post of foreign minister and her presence
in the cabinet was a factor in the phenomenon of Koizumi-mania
which saw approval ratings for the prime minister reach over 80
percent.
However tensions racked Tanakas relations with Koizumi
and the cabinet almost from the time it was formed. Her agenda
of strengthening Japans relations with its neighbours cut
across Koizumis promotion of Japanese nationalism and his
embrace of the Bush administrations calls for Japan to play
a greater military role in Asia.
Tanaka publicly criticised Koizumi for affronting China and
South Korea by visiting the Yasukuni Shrine to Japans war
dead and for refusing to intervene to prevent the publication
of history text books that apologised for Japanese colonialism
in the first half of the 20th century. For her part, Tanaka came
under fire for her criticism of the US national missile defence
system, her alleged description of George Bush as an arsehole
while in Germany and a statement indicating her support for Taiwans
incorporation into China.
The foreign policy differences came to a head after the September
11, 2001 terrorist attacks. Koizumi and most of the LDP adopted
a policy of full support for the US aggression in Afghanistan,
and then the Middle East. Tanaka was muzzled and prevented throughout
the final months of 2001 from representing Japan at any major
international forum. Isolated within the LDP, she was ultimately
sacked as foreign minister on January 30, 2002 over a dubious
charge that she had misled parliament. Corruption allegations
that she had misused public funds came next. A media campaign
in the pro-Koizumi press, especially the Yomiuri Shimbun,
successfully pressured her to resign from parliament in August
2002.
While a member of the cabinet, Tanaka was blocked from speaking
openly in opposition to the Bush administrations war
on terrorism. In March this year, however, Tanaka authored
an opinion piece in the Japan Times that made clear her
differences with Koizumis support for US aggression. While
indicating a general agreement with the US-Japan alliance, she
called for a foreign policy that would have the courage
to disagree with the US and for Japan to deliver a
clear message to the USexercise patience to avoid war.
On the eve of the Iraq war, Tanakas views were barely
reported by the Japanese press. Nor did the DPJ highlight her
remarks. Indeed, as recently as a few months ago it appeared that
her political career was effectively over. She was not finally
cleared of possible criminal charges until September. Her continuing
popularity, however, was demonstrated in the election. Tanaka
easily won back her former seat in parliamentone of the
safest LDP seats in the countrystanding as an independent
against the LDP.
The DPJ is now seeking to take advantage of her return to political
prominence under conditions of widespread opposition to sending
Japanese troops to Iraq and mounting concerns within the Japanese
political establishment over the wisdom of Koizumis backing
of the Bush administration. Japan has promised troops and pledged
$US5 billion to help finance the US occupation, undermining Tokyos
relations with China and Middle Eastern states. A variety of trade
conflicts are flaring between the US and Japan, further strengthening
the position of those like Tanaka who are calling for more distance
from Washington.
In the Machiavellian world of Japanese politics, the opposition
calculates that conflicts within the government coalition over
Iraq could trigger the defection of LDP legislators sympathetic
to Tanakas foreign policy. The loss of even a few dozen
LDP legislators could be enough to convince the New Komeito party,
which holds 34 seats in the new parliament, to form a coalition
government with the DPJ instead of the LDP.
Conflicts over economic policy or heavy losses for the LDP
in the upper house election due in mid-2004 could be other triggers.
The DPJ is already preparing to use Tanaka as one of its main
campaigners over the coming months in attacking Koizumi. A DPJ
spokesman told the Asahi Shimbun: She [Tanaka] will
have a great impact if she supports campaigns on her anti-Koizumi,
anti-LDP line. She has that kind of destructive power.
See Also:
Japanese government holds power, but
with reduced majority
[18 November 2003]
Why Junichiro Koizumi is being
retained as Japanese leader
[20 September 2003]
Japanese parliament gives
green light for troops to Iraq
[8 August 2003]
Corruption allegations
against Tanaka intensify factional warfare in Japan
[11 April 2002]
Bush visit to Japan
cements closer ties against China
[1 March 2002]
Dismissal of Japanese
foreign minister may spark political turmoil
[5 February 2002]
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