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Lanka
No resolution to Sri Lankan political crisis
By K. Ratnayake
15 November 2003
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Just a week after plunging the country into an acute political
crisis, Sri Lankan President Chandrika Kumaratunga met with Prime
Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe on Wednesday to discuss ways of
ending the current standoff.
Nothing was resolved after the two and a half hour meeting.
Both sides issued bland statements describing the talks as friendly
and cordial and declaring there was an exchange of
views on various matters. Further discussions are due to
be held in the coming week.
It is hardly surprising that no agreement was reached. What
is significant is that the meeting went ahead at all. Just seven
days before, Kumaratunga had used her autocratic presidential
powers to take control of three key ministries, deploy soldiers
in the streets, suspend parliament for two weeks and announce
a state of emergency.
Her abrupt about-face is testimony to the intense pressure
being brought to bear on the president to back away from her grab
for power and to reach a working arrangement with the United National
Front (UNF) government.
At the centre of the conflict is the countrys long-running
civil war. The major powers and big business are pressing for
a powersharing deal with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
(LTTE) to end the devastating conflict and facilitate the islands
integration into the global economy. After winning the 2001 elections,
the UNF signed a ceasefire agreement with the LTTE and initiated
talks.
Kumaratunga, however, faced demands from sections of her own
Peoples Alliance (PA) and Sinhala extremist groups such as the
Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Sihala Urumaya (SU) to oppose
the so-called peace process. She seized control of the defence,
interior and information ministries on November 4, declaring that
the UNF was endangering national security and conceding too much
to the LTTE.
But within two days, the president had backed away from imposing
the state of emergency. The US, Japan, the European Union and
UN Secretary General Kofi Annan all expressed concern about the
consequences for the so-called peace process. Indian Prime Minister
Atal Behari Vajpayee held a 20-minute telephone conversion with
Kumaratunga urging her to avert a constitutional crisis.
Wickremesinghe returned from Washington last Friday, crowing
over US President Bushs support for the government and its
negotiations with the LTTE. The US also indicated that a trade
agreement and other economic measures might be put in jeopardy.
The IMFs representative in Colombo, Jeremy Carter, warned
that the first $80 million tranche of $567 million in financial
assistance was in doubt.
The last week has been dominated by intense political manoeuvring.
In a televised address to the nation last Friday, Kumaratunga
insisted that she supported the peace process and
would order the armed forces to abide by the ceasefire. At the
same time, she continued to berate the UNF for undermining national
security and called on all parties to form a patriotic government
of national unity.
Wickremesinghe and the UNF rejected the appeal for national
unity. Instead, they put the president in an awkward position
by calling on her to take over the peace process. How could the
government negotiate with the LTTE, Cabinet Secretary G.L. Peiris
declared, if it did not fully control the state apparatus? He
also hinted that the government might use its finance ministry
to block money to the three ministries taken over by Kumaratunga.
The government also challenged the president to call fresh elections.
The standoff continues. The government has informed the Norwegian
facilitators of the peace process that it cannot take responsibility
for negotiations in the current situation. Kumaratunga has refused
to take over the talks, fearing she will alienate sections of
her own party and undermine a possible alliance with the JVP.
While last Wednesdays meeting failed to produce any agreement,
both Wickremesinghe and Kumaratunga are being prevailed upon to
come up with a solution. Representatives of the IMF, World Bank
and Asian Development Bank met with the president on Wednesday
to urge her to ensure that the peace process continues, along
with the governments planned restructuring measures. Parliament
is due to reconvene on November 19 for the tabling of the Sri
Lankan budget.
A team of Norwegian diplomats, including Deputy Foreign Minister
Vidar Helgesen, has been meeting with all sides to help patch
together some kind of deal. Norway has indicated it has suspended
formal involvement in the talks, adding to the pressure on the
prime minister and the president to end the political stalemate.
The Joint Business Forum (JBIZ) representing major sections
of big business sent letters to Wickremesinghe and Kumaratunga
on Thursday seeking urgent meetings. Last week the same organisation
issued a statement urging both sides to work together. Behind
these moves are deep concerns within corporate circles that continuing
political instability will end any prospects of economic recovery,
as foreign investment stalls and share prices plummet.
The JBIZ statement is the latest in a series of calls by business
leaders and the media for the UNF and PA to bury their differences
and form a national unity government that will develop a joint
approach to negotiations with the LTTE. An editorial in the Island
newspaper last week, for instance, reiterated this demand, while
at the same time bemoaning the fact that it would take a miracle
for the parties to come together.
Two of the so-called workers partiesthe Lanka Sama Samaja
Party (LSSP) and Communist Partyhave lined up uncritically
with the demands of the major powers and big business for a cohabitation
government. Their support for the peace process
signifies tacit backing for the UNF governments extensive
package of open market reforms, including privatisation, the slashing
of government spending and job cuts.
While there are strong pressures for a government of national
unity, both Wickremesinghe and Kumaratunga are concerned that
a joint administration will leave them open to political attack
by the Sinhala extremist organisations.
Kumaratunga is particularly vulnerable. Up to now the JVP and
SU have hailed her as a national saviour. But such sentiments
could rapidly transform into opposition if she joins forces with
the UNF in negotiating with the LTTE. If, on the other hand, Kumaratunga
attempts to appease the JVP and SU, she will find herself confronted
with demands to use her powers as defence minister to take tougher
military measures against the LTTEa move that has the potential
to precipitate renewed fighting.
As a result, the political situation remains extremely tense.
Perhaps the most striking feature of the past 10 days is that
none of the partiesgovernment or oppositionhas even
referred to the needs and aspirations of the majority of ordinary
working people for basic democratic rights, decent living standards
and genuine peace, free of communal hatred.
See Also:
The political economy of the Sri Lankan
peace process
Part 1
[13 November 2003]
The political economy of the Sri Lankan
peace process
Part 2
[14 November 2003]
The political issues in the Sri Lankan
constitutional crisis Statement by the Socialist Equality Party
[10 November 2003]
Socialist Equality Party condemns Sri
Lankan presidents constitutional coup
[6 November 2003]
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