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Why is Israel threatening to murder Arafat?
By the Editorial Board
16 September 2003
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The Israeli government of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon has publicly
declared its intention to murder Yasser Arafat, the popularly
elected president of the Palestinian National Authority.
This announcement was not an emotional outburst by some out-of-control
cabinet member. It was delivered by Israeli Deputy Prime Minister
Ehud Olmert, Sharons closest ally and a man frequently mentioned
as his likely successor. The threat was deliberate and calculated
to serve definite political purposes.
The magnitude of this proposed crime deserves careful consideration.
Arafat has been a major figure on the world stage for some 35
years. Whatever one thinks of his politicsand the World
Socialist Web Site certainly differs with his nationalist
outlookhe is unquestionably identified with the national
strivings of the Palestinian people, to which he has devoted his
entire adult life.
This is a man who just a decade ago was invited to the White
House to sign an ill-fated peace treaty andwhen it served
the purposes of the major powerswas awarded the Nobel Peace
Prize.
What is the purpose of publicly announcing plans for assassinating
such a person?
The Israeli government claims that the murder of Arafat is
necessary because the 74-year-old Palestinian president is an
intolerable obstacle to the process of reconciliation and
peace. This from a regime that has engaged in ceaseless
provocations, from the assassination of leading Palestinians to
such collective punishments as the demolition of housing and the
lockdown of entire towns, as well as the bombing of crowded residential
neighborhoods and the uninterrupted seizure of Palestinian land.
The complaint of the Sharon government boils down to Arafats
having failed to function as its puppet and balking at launching
a civil war against his own people.
There is, however, a deeper political logic to this depraved
call for murder. The Israeli government is pursuing a definite
political strategy that is aimed at scuttling the Palestinian
national movement, annexing as much land in the occupied West
Bank and Gaza Strip as possible and making the formation of a
Palestinian state impossible.
It is pursuing a well-worn tactic to a qualitatively new levelstaging
a deliberate provocation with the intent of provoking a violent
reaction that can in turn be used to justify further Israeli armed
aggression and expansion.
The Sharon government shrugs off warnings that Arafats
killing would provoke popular upheavals and even more acts of
terrorism within Israel, because it welcomes such a confrontation.
It sees an eruption of popular anger among the Palestinians as
an opportunity to put an end to any possibility of a negotiated
settlement and to realize its long-held aim of creating a greater
Israel through the forced expulsion of millions of Palestinians
from the occupied territories.
This is a regime that specializes in provocations and thrives
upon violence. Sharon himself, it should be recalled, orchestrated
the political campaign that led to one of his right-wing followers
assassinating former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin for signing
the accord with Arafat. In September 2000, he deliberately ignited
the last three years of bloodletting with his visit to the Temple
Mount in a successful attempt to instigate a confrontation and
make any discussion of a peaceful settlement between Israel and
the Palestinians impossible.
The murder of Arafat would represent the ultimate provocation,
calculated to provoke a violent response that the Israeli regime
would use as a justification for a full-scale assault on the Palestinian
people.
There is also an element of psychological warfare in this threat.
It is designed to send a message to the Palestinian people: resistance
is futile. It is meant to impress upon a population already subjected
to occupation, roadblocks, constant harassment and humiliation
that it is isolated, defenseless and without hope. The Israeli
government is saying to its victims that there is no crime that
it cannot commit against them, and no one can stop it.
This line of thinking was spelt out by the Jerusalem Post,
Israels largest circulation English-language daily, in an
editorial entitled simply Kill Arafat, published September
11. In language that can only be described as Hitlerian, the newspaper
dismisses warnings that such an assassination will ignite upheavals
throughout the occupied Palestinian territories and the entire
Middle East:
Arafats death at Israels hands would not
radicalize Arab opposition to Israel; just the opposite. The current
jihad against us is being fueled by the perception that Israel
is blocked from taking decisive action to defend itself.... Killing
Arafat, more than any other act, would demonstrate that the tool
of terror is unacceptable, even against Israel, even in the name
of a Palestinian state.
It is worthwhile considering the ideology that gives rise to
the Jerusalem Posts stunning conclusion that the
murder of an elected president is a means of demonstrating that
the tool of terror is unacceptable. This language
reeks of fascism and exposes the extent to which the Israeli right
has absorbed the outlook of the Nazis.
Present-day Zionism and the Israeli state both justify their
existence by invoking the legacy of the Nazi Holocaust against
the Jews. The peculiar impact that this ideological justification
has had upon the behavior and psychology of the Israeli state
was noted by the Israeli historian Tom Segev,
in his book The Seventh Million: the Israelis and the Holocaust:
The assumption is that the Holocaust requires the existence
of a strong Israel and that the failure of the world to save the
Jewish people during the Second World War disqualifies it from
reminding Israel of moral imperatives, including respect for human
rights. The sense that the Holocaust was inevitable, in accordance
with Zionist ideology, and the identification with the Jew as
a victim are liable to lead Israelis to conclude that their existence
depends solely on military power...
The Jerusalem Post Kill Arafat editorial
provides a particularly grotesque expression of this tendency
described by Segev. It states: The world will not help us;
we must help ourselves. We must kill as many of the Hamas and
Islamic Jihad leaders as possible, as quickly as possible, while
minimizing collateral damage, but not letting that damage stop
us. And we must kill Yasser Arafat, because the world leaves us
no alternative.
There is a murderous logic to this conception that the Holocaust
was inevitable, and that the Nazis were merely an example of how
the world works. Among right-wing elements of Israels founding
generation like Sharon, is the idea that something can be learned
from the crimes of the Nazisprincipally, that anything is
possible provided one employs sufficient violence.
These layers explicitly rejected the universalist, humanitarian,
liberal as well as socialist ideals with which the Jewish people
had been identified for generations, and which made them a target
for the extreme right. Embracing an ideology of ethnic and religious
nationalism, they found certain elements of the Nazi outlook deeply
attractive.
Compounding the historic tragedy of the Holocaust, the Israeli
state that claimed legitimacy as a response to the crimes of the
Nazis has adopted methods that echo those of the Warsaw Ghetto
and the concentration camps.
There was a very definite purpose behind the gratuitous bestiality
of the Nazis. It was to demonstrate to those under occupation
and to the inmates of the death camps that they were utterly helpless;
that resistance was futile.
That the Israeli state uses this same approach in its attempt
to demoralize and intimidate the Palestinian people is not an
accident. Rather it is a cruel historical irony with which Israeli
workers and youth must come to grips if they are not to become
unwitting accomplices to another monstrous crime.
The criminal approach of the Sharon regime has been aided and
abetted by the so-called world community. In the first place,
Washington has provided all but declared support for the policy
of targeted assassinations, branding any act of resistance to
Israeli occupation as terrorism while excusing virtually
every repressive measure carried out by the Israeli regime.
The response of the Bush administration to the threat to assassinate
Arafat has been to publicly oppose it from the standpoint of expediency,
not principle. Having relegated Arafat to the status of a non-person,
Washington appears to quibble only with the timing of his murder,
fearful that it will disrupt US attempts to win international
support for its own illegal occupation of Iraq. Moreover, the
Bush administration has itself made murder a tool of foreign policy
on a level unprecedented in US history, further encouraging their
Israeli client state.
Certainly, no one in Washington has gone so far as to suggest
that killing the elected Palestinian leader would lead to any
disruption to the billions of dollars in US aid that keep the
Israeli economy and military afloat.
The United Nations, the European Union, the Arab League and
similar international institutions have issued tepid protests
at best in response to the assassination announcement. Governments
routinely refer to the murder threat as a serious mistake
or a grave error, rather than calling it by its right
name: a monstrous crime.
It is a measure of the debasement of the political atmosphere
internationally that such a threat is made and no international
institution or government answers it by vowing to hold the Zionist
state assassins responsible, subjecting Sharon or any other Israeli
official to arrest and criminal prosecution the moment they set
foot abroad.
The reactionary perspective of Zionism has found its finished
and grotesque expression in the public proposal to murder Arafat.
The Sharon regime has unleashed a bloody conflagration in the
Middle East to pursue its expansionist aims. Only the emergence
of a new independent political movement fighting to unite Jews
and Arabs on a democratic, secular and socialist basis can stop
it.
Meanwhile, mass protests should be organized internationally
to defend Yasser Arafat and denounce the Israeli governments
depraved threats.
See Also:
Israel assassinates Hamas leader
[23 August 2003]
Terrorism and the origins
of IsraelPart 1
[21 June 2003]
Terrorism and the origins
of IsraelPart 2
[23 June 2003]
Protest by Israeli
reservists opens new chapter in the struggle against Zionism
[9 February 2002]
The political significance
of Israels assassination policy
[7 September 2001]
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