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Britain: government outlines plans to dismantle state education
By Liz Smith
11 August 2004
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The latest proposals outlined in the Department for Education
and Skills (DFES) Five-Year Strategy for Children and Learners
is the clearest declaration ever made by a post-war government
to end what remains of the comprehensive state education system
in England.
The essential thrust of the 114-page document is a determined
push for the privatisation of state-run schools.
In his introduction to the document, Education Minister Charles
Clarke states he wants to see the end of the monolithic
model of public servicesa euphemism for the governments
aim of ending universal provision in education, health and social
services.
In the case of education, the monolith to which
Clarke is referring is the system established by the 1944 Butler
Education Act, which for the first time ever established universal
secondary schooling for all up to the age of 15 years, comprising
grammar, technical and secondary modern schools. This was later
extended in London, West and South Yorkshire to a comprehensive
school system in which the selective grammar schools were all
but abolished. The remaining grammar schools in these areas became
private fee-paying schools.
In the document, Clarke states that the government wants to
establish an entirely different type of local education system
to that currently run by the Local Education Authorities (LEAs).
This would ensure schools have the freedom to shape and
reshape the offer to meet different and changing needs.
By effectively dismantling any centralised form of control
over schools, the government is opening the way for significantly
extending the role of private capital and private sponsors in
education.
Clarke states that the new model of education envisaged by
the government, cannot just be a partnership of state providersthe
voluntary and community sector, business, and private enterprises
need to be part of this partnership to provide joined-up services.
This is spelt out most clearly in the section on Independent
Specialist Schools. These schools have been massively expanded
by the Blair government, to a point where they now make up 50
percent of all secondary schools in the state sector. In order
to achieve specialist status a school has to submit detailed development
plans that show increased exam results, attendance and improved
behaviour year on year; be able to raise £50,000 from business;
and be subject to constant monitoring. In return, a specialist
school can select 10 percent of its intake based on ability.
Under the five-year strategy, the government intends for all
schools to achieve specialist status. The highest performing ones
will then be able to opt out of LEA control.
Clarke claims that the government is, not creating a
new category of schoolsrather, giving more independence
to all schools within a specialist system. This is
a lie. The ground is being laid for transforming state education
in a way that will ensure greater selectivity of pupil intake,
and business involvement.
The governments proposals mean that the best
state schools will become business entities in their own right,
with their facilities, working conditions, etc., determined by
their sponsors. Already the highest performing state schools are
almost exclusively in better-off neighbourhoods. House prices
can be double and even triple those of other areas as parents
try to ensure their child a guaranteed place in the school of
their choice. The five-year strategy will significantly increase
such social stratification between schools.
Launching his strategy, Clarke claimed that the governments
proposals were driven by a desire to lure back into
the public sector middle class families who go private out of
despair. In reality, the private sector accounts for
just seven percent of the overall school population in Britain
(although this can rise to 20 percent in central London).
Clarke did not explain why such a tiny minority should apparently
be able to determine the future course of education in Britain.
And for good reason, as his arguments are specious. Clarke is
simply using the spectre of private education (which his government
has encouraged) as a cover for the marketisation of the existing
state system.
The strategy states that all secondary schools will be allowed,
Freedom... to own their land and buildings, manage their
assets, employ their staff, improve their governing bodies, and
forge partnerships with outside sponsors and educational foundations.
In order to simplify the process of setting up a foundation
school, a fast track process of 12 weeks is to be put in place
and a simple vote of a schools governing body (whose powers
are to be extended) will be able to hire and fire, change school
policy, sell-off land and increase business links.
Combined with a three-year devolved budget paid directly to
schools, this will effectively end the relationship between schools
and the LEAs. More importantly, it will remove schools from the
democratic mechanisms that currently exist to prevent schools
closures and sell-offs. LEAs have to go through lengthy procedures
if they want to make change to local provision, such as consultation
with schools and communities, and this can result in the original
decision being reversed.
Even starker is the fate of those schools that are unable to
meet government criteria for specialist status. These failing
schools are to be sold off to private companies, who will
be able to determine curriculum, behaviour policy and working
practices.
Examples of this policy are the two schools run by millionaire
car dealer Sir Peter Vardy. Established under the Conservative
government 15 years ago, Vardys schools teach creationism
and operate a rigorous discipline regime. The Guardian newspaper
recently revealed that at Vardys Kings Academy in
Middlesborough, 26 pupils out of a total of 1,034 were expelled
in the first year alone, 2.51 percent.
The second most important feature of the five-year strategy
concerns its reinforcement of the Blair governments law
and order policy. This includes extending the street crime
initiative that has been in operation for the last 18 months.
Under this scheme, 50 children/young people aged 8 to 18 years
old in a certain neighbourhood are identified as being likely
to carry out minor criminal activity, and their names given to
police, social workers and others supposedly to prevent this happening.
In other words, young people living in the poorest areas are effectively
criminalised simply on the say-so of a few individuals.
Parents are also to be held more accountable for their childrens
school attendance and behaviour through the extension of Parenting
Contracts. Those who fail to abide by the agreement can be subject
to fines and prosecution.
The five-year strategy further proposes extending the practice
of removing disruptive pupils from classrooms, to
in-school units or external pupil referral units. However, the
reality is that those schools with the highest levels of social
deprivation are full to the brim with disaffected young people
and no matter how well meaning the staff, the increased workload
and pressure to maintain targets means that many of these schools
are little more than holding pens for the most disadvantaged.
A similar situation exists in external pupil referral units, which
are so full that schools are paid by the units to take a referred
child in order to free up places for others who have been expelled.
Especially noteworthy are the documents suggestions regarding
the provision of additional support to children with Special Educational
Needs, ethnic minority groups and those deemed gifted and talented.
Such assistance is to be provided by support workers, rather than
teachers. Current workplace reforms being introduced into schools
already have the requirement that support staff cover for absentee
teachers.
See Also:
Britain: Sharp rise in arson
attacks on schools
[7 May 2004]
Britain: Labour government
moves to market based higher education
[12 February 2003]
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