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US and Britain implicated in Equatorial Guinea coup attempt
By Chris Talbot
7 December 2004
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Two reports on the background to the attempted coup in Equatorial
Guinea were sent in December 2003 and January 2004 by South African
security expert Johann Smith to British intelligence and to Michael
Westphal, senior colleague of Donald Rumsfeld and deputy assistant
secretary of defence.
According to the Observer, the second report warned
the coup would take place in March this year and that knowing
the individuals as well as I do, this timeline is very realistic
and will provide for ample time to plan, mobilise, equip and deploy
the force. Smith, a former commander in the South African
special forces and apparently now working for the Equatorial Guinea
regime, was given information by some of the South African mercenaries
involved. He claims he has received death threats since the coup
attempt and that he received no acknowledgements from Britain
or the United States.
This revelation came after British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw
admitted in response to parliamentary questioning that the British
government knew as early as January 2004 that the coup was being
planned. Previously, British ministers and officials denied any
knowledge of the coup attempt. The operation is alleged to have
been partly financed by Sir Mark Thatcher, son of former Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher, whose court case in South Africa for
involvement in the coup has been postponed to April. Straw has
apparently been forced to come clean about British involvement
because there is now so much information available about the events
leading up to the coup attempt, including the evidence being prepared
for the Thatcher trial.
In his parliamentary answer, Straw attempted to play down the
admission that he had received the reports from Smith, claiming
it was similar to reports circulating in the Spanish media. Because
there were similar rumours the previous year, Straw claimed that
the British government was sceptical about its accuracy. He also
claimed that his officials could find no definitive evidence of
the coup plot. This is hardly credible. Smiths reports give
a wealth of information on the coup plans and the individuals
involved and South African intelligence must have had knowledge
of mercenaries being recruited.
Everything points to the British, American and also the Spanish
governments giving tacit support to a privately funded plot to
remove the president of Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang, and
replace him by Severo Moto, a leading opponent of the regime living
in exile in Spain. Obiang is said to be in poor health and, whilst
the Bush administration and Western regimes are on good terms
with this despot, there are fears that if he dies there will be
an internecine struggle between possible successors.
Fear of such instability must also be of concern to the oil
corporations involved, such as ExxonMobil and ChevronTexaco, as
Equatorial Guinea is now the third largest oil producer in sub-Saharan
Africa. The tiny country of less than 500,000 people had a gross
domestic product of $US1.85 billion in 2001 and churns out 350,000
barrels of oil a day. It has vast oil reserves, estimated to be
approximately 10 percent of the total global reserves, according
to the US Department of Energy. US oil companies have invested
$US3 billion in the country since 1995. Most of the population
live in dire poverty and the regime is renowned for its brutality,
with political detainees routinely tortured or ill-treated according
to Amnesty International. A report by a US Senate committee revealed
hundreds of millions of dollars had been deposited by Obiang,
his family and associates in the Washington-based Riggs Bank with
little or no attention to the banks anti-money laundering
obligations....
Equatorial Guinea accuses Spain of sending two warships with
500 marines on board to back a seizure of power. Not surprisingly,
the members of the Popular Party government of José Maria
Aznar, removed from office one week after the coup attempt, deny
involvement. They claim that a courtesy mission was
cancelled as soon as it had started, in agreement with Equatorial
Guinea.
Some 17 mercenaries were arrested in Equatorial Guinea when
the coup attempt was thwarted. Their leader, Nick Du Toit, has
now been sentenced to 34 years in prison, with most of the others
receiving heavy sentences. Du Toit was the only mercenary to admit
he was taking part in an attempted coup. He has now withdrawn
his evidence, claiming it was extracted under torture.
A further 70 mercenaries whose plane was stopped in Zimbabwe
have also been jailed, although with much lighter sentences, after
pleading guilty to arms trafficking. Simon Mann, a British ex-SAS
officer from a wealthy family and with previous involvement in
mercenary operations, was leading this group and appears to have
been the main instigator of the coup attempt. He attempted to
smuggle a letter out of jail, seized by the Zimbabwean authorities,
to ask help from former school friend Scratcher (Mark
Thatcher) and Smelly (Ely Calil, a London-based Lebanese
businessman also alleged to have financed the coup attempt).
Much more evidence is now said to have been obtained by the
South African police and intelligence services. In particular,
the pilot of the plane that was allegedly flying Moto to take
power after the coup, Crause Steyl, as well as two other mercenaries
are giving evidence in the Mark Thatcher case in exchange for
being let off with a fine and suspended sentence for their part
in the operation.
There is also evidence obtained by a Nigel Morgan, said to
be a friend of both Mann and Thatcher, and investigating on behalf
of an oil company. His report has been passed to the Conservative
opposition in Britain and to the South African authorities. Mann
and Calil allegedly met in Britain at the beginning of 2003. Calil
supposedly went with Mann to see Moto in Madrid in February 2003
to discuss the coup plans. Mann is said to have paid $500,000,
and Calil is said to have raised $750,000 towards an operation
costing around $3 million in total.
There have been other accusations made that the British government
had full knowledge of a planned coup. Calil is alleged to have
met former British cabinet minister and now European Union trade
commissioner Peter Mandelson sometime in 2003. He wanted to sound
out the attitude of the British government towards a coup and
is said to have been told he would get no problems from them.
That this meeting took place is denied by Mandelson.
According to various media reports:
* Finance for the operation, as well as from Calil and Mann,
is also alleged to have come from Mark Thatcher, from disgraced
Tory politician Jeffrey Archer, British businessman Greg Wales
and from several other named Lebanese, South African and British
businessmen.
* Reconnaissance operations were carried out in two fishing
trawlers, not only around Equatorial Guinea, but also around the
small island country of Sao Tomé that was also apparently
targeted for a coup. Huge oil deposits have been discovered in
the waters around this island, with production scheduled to start
in 2006-7. An unsuccessful coup attempt took place in July 2003,
apparently unconnected to the Mann-Calil operation.
* Mercenaries were recruited by Mann, particularly ex-members
of the 32 Buffalo Battalion, a notorious special force unit that
fought for the South African apartheid regime.
* A meeting took place in London in February of this year organised
by the Royal Institute for International Affairs, to discuss revenue
transparency in Equatorial Guinea. According to the Guardian,
at this meeting an executive from an oil company declared everyone
knows theres going to be a coup led by South African mercenaries.
* Greg Wales is said to have had two meetings with Theresa
Whelan, a member of the Bush administration in charge of African
affairs, at the Pentagon in November 2003 and February 2004. Wales
attended a conference organised by a group of private military
companies, the International Peace Operations Association.
At this conference Whelan is reported as supporting the role of
private contractors in supporting US national security objectives
overseas. According to the Guardian report, she added,
The US can be supportive in trying to ameliorate regional
crises without necessarily having to put US troops on the ground,
which is often a very difficult political decisionsometimes
we may not want to be very visible.
It is possible that the operation had to be aborted because
either Smith or others, possibly from South African intelligence,
tipped off Equatorial Guinea. Knowledge of a possible coup seems
to have been widespread and common knowledge in the bar in Pretoria
frequented by the 32 Buffalo men. In the event, the South African
government told both Equatorial Guinea and Zimbabwe to arrest
the mercenaries. Moto was flown to the Canary Islands, then to
Bamako, ready to go to Equatorial Guinea. He was apparently tipped
off about the failure of the coup, presumably by Western intelligence.
There have been suggestions that the South African government
knew about the plot all along and was collaborating with Obiang
and his ruling clique. The South African government has made much
of the fact that they had stopped a threat to another African
country. It will soon be opening an embassy in Equatorial Guinea
and is said to be negotiating a deal between its oil company PetroSA
and the Obiang regime. Calil, Wales and others have been reported
by Africa Confidential saying that the coup was a set-up
that was organised by Equatorial Guinea and South Africa. However,
to suppose that the South African government, hardly known for
its opposition to the United States and the Western powers, could
have been planning a set-up from the start seems unlikely. Much
more probable is that when details of the coup plot became too
widely known, and the security of the mercenary operation seems
to have been abysmal, they were forced to act.
See Also:
Accusations of Spanish involvement
in coup highlight instability in Guinea
[8 November 2004]
Mark Thatcher arrested over
alleged African coup plot
[27 August 2004]
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