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Britain: poverty and homelessness rise under Labour
By Niall Green
24 December 2004
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Recent major studies of social conditions facing workers and
young people in Britain have provided further evidence of the
anti-social effect of the policies demanded by big business and
pursued by the Labour government. A picture emerges of a downward
curve in real pay for millions of workers that has lasted for
over a generation, combined with increases in living costsespecially
housingthat is both deepening and widening the scope of
poverty in Britain.
The Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF) has issued a report on
poverty levels in the Britain (available at www.jrf.org.uk). The
report, titled Strategies Against PovertyA Shared Roadmap,
was issued to mark the organisations centenary and is intended
to offer advice to the government and anti-poverty charities.
JRF has long established friendly relations with Labour; however,
the reports findings contain enough statistical evidence
to provide a damning indictment of the government.
* Nearly 30 percent of children in Britain are living in poverty,
with one-third coming from families where at least one parent
is in work.
* Particularly vulnerable to poverty are families of Pakistani
or Bangladeshi origin. Three-quarters of families from these national
backgrounds live on or below the official poverty level, i.e.,
they receive less than 60 percent of median income after the deduction
of housing costs.
* Around a fifth of pensioners fell into the official poverty
category, rising to 25 percent of those aged over 75.
* In the early 1980s one in seven adults in the course of a
year could not afford to purchase at least three items thought
of as essential by most people; today that figure has increased
to one in four.
* Since 1980 the poorest quintile of the population has experienced
no growth in real earnings. Nearly twice as many people have relatively
low incomes as 25 years ago.
* The report points out that millions are unable to afford
basic necessities such as proper clothing and nutrition.
Tens of thousands of the poorest households have seen an absolute
decline in their earnings since 1997 and the poorest 10 percent
of the population have experience average income increases incapable
of meeting the rising cost of living.
JRF acknowledges a slight reduction over the past five years
in the overall proportion of children living in poverty. This
small changechallenged by other charities that claim that
the governments measure of poverty is an inadequate indicator
of the true level of deprivation in societyis largely attributable
to the introduction of highly targeted means-tested benefits by
the government. Since its election in 1997 Labours welfare
policy has been aimed at pushing benefit claimants into whatever
low-wage jobs are available. A necessary part of this drive has
been to devalue social security benefits while rewarding
work through the tax system, i.e., to offer tax credits
to low paid workers, effectively subsidising poverty wages.
This low wage spiral was highlighted in earlier JRF studies
of low incomes. A report published in November conducted by Professor
Jane Millar and Karen Gardiner of the University of Bath found
that nearly a quarter of employees surveyed could be classified
as low paidreceiving wages below two-thirds
of the median wage, not counting benefits. This figure has changed
little from before the introduction of the minimum wage in 1999.
Of those who are low paid, an increased number are classed as
poor compared to the mid-1990s.
Their report stated: Despite the minimum wage we remain
a low pay culture in which a large proportion of workers have
to get help from other members of their households and from the
state to avoid poverty. This contrasts with the situation in the
past. In the 1970s, only about a quarter as many low-paid workers
were in poverty as today, even without the help of tax credits.
Then, low pay was mainly restricted to people who were not the
main earners in the family, but today it is more prevalent among
breadwinners.
Another report issued January 2004 by JRF and the Institute
of Fiscal Studies showed how this low-wage economy had necessitated
a massive government subsidy. It found that State financial
support for families with children has more than doubled in real
terms since the mid-1970s to reach £22 billion a yearwith
the most dramatic increases taking place in the past four years.
The governments Working Families Tax Credit largely accounts
for the big rise in the total level spent on payments to families.
This and other meagre workfare offerings can only
be understood in the context of the drive by business to lower
wages. Labours policy has been to facilitate this, where
necessary, by topping up the pay packets of workers with kids
by just enough to make a job less financially dire than living
on social security.
Such state financing of chronically low pay cannot last at
the current level. With the number of low paid jobs increasing
at the expense of better-paid, more secure jobs the government
faces an ever-increasing demand on its tax credit scheme. In the
context of massive cuts in corporation and profit taxes, the huge
growth in state subsidies to low paid families will come under
greater strain and must eventually be abandoned or substantially
cut. Its only long-term effect will have been to ease the way
towards ever-lower wage rates.
Furthermore, the Working Families Tax Credit can only ameliorate
poverty for its recipients so long as they have jobs. Any rise
in unemployment would leave families just keeping their heads
above water reliant on a social security system that has been
cut back and diverted towards workfare.
For those families and individuals out of work, and poorer
employees without children, the governments targeted welfare
policies have done nothing. The proportion of childless adults
living on low incomes, of which a significant percentage are in
work, has increased since Labour took office in 1997.
The JRF centenary report also warns that a housing crisis is
accentuating the effects of poverty: Many people in Britain
today are disadvantaged by limitations of their physical infrastructurefor
example by inadequate transport links or lack of communal facilities;
but most of all by inadequacies in the supply, quality and affordability
of housing.
This inadequacy was starkly shown by a report issued by a government
department.
As with wage earnings, so with housing the drive of capital
to increase profits has created increasingly acute social problems.
The privatisation of publicly owned housing has created a housing
crisis, with average house prices now £173,756, over eight
times median wages in Britain.
Statistics on homelessness from the Office of the Deputy Prime
Minister (who has responsibility for housing) revealed that the
number of homeless families in Britain has reached 100,000. This
record level of homelessness is more than double the total when
Labour took office and the government estimates that this number
will continue to rise until at least 2008.
Crisis, the homelessness charity, claimed this figure could
represent up to 500,000 people living in temporary accommodation.
Another organisation for the homeless, Shelter, put the figure
at 230,000.
Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott contemptuously brushed
aside the problem, telling Radio 4s Today programme
that 84 percent of those classed as homeless were living in reasonable
accommodation. He suggested that a new £150 million
aid package for the homeless would help to address the problem,
suggesting that in future the government would change the definition
of homelessness in order to avoid such embarrassing findings:
I have asked local authorities to speed up the process to
make sure they [the homeless] are in settled accommodation, instead
of being defined as homeless.
See Also:
The rise of Britain's super-rich
[22 November 2004]
Britain: social inequalities
widen under Blair government
[19 August 2004]
Merrill-Lynch report: concentration
of wealth at the top resumed upward spiral in 2003
[22 June 2004]
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