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Britain: Hutton inquiry whitewashes Blair government over
Iraq war
By Chris Marsden and Julie Hyland
29 January 2004
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The report by Lord Hutton has exonerated the British government
of any responsibility for the death of whistleblower Dr. David
Kelly and cleared Prime Minister Tony Blair of having manipulated
and falsified intelligence in order to drag the country into an
illegal war against Iraq.
Hutton has produced a whitewash, delivering a ruling that is
virtually bereft of criticism of the actions of Blair, his Director
of Communications Alastair Campbell, Defence Secretary Geoff Hoon,
and the Ministry of Defence, the civil service, the Joint Intelligence
Committee and the intelligence services. Yet his report was made
public at a time when all the lies used to justify war with Iraq
have unravelled.
In the week leading up to its publication, the United States
own chief weapons inspector, David Kay, resigned his position
after stating that he did not believe Iraq possessed weapons of
mass destruction. And his admission has been all but accepted
by the Bush administration. Even the group responsible for providing
the intelligence which Blair used to make the case that Iraq represented
an immediate danger to world security, the Iraqi National Alliance,
has now admitted it was false (See: Blair's
45-minute WMD claim refuted by Iraqi group that supplied the intelligence).
In order to avoid any political embarrassment for the government
and Britains security services, Hutton proclaimed that the
veracity of the intelligence on which the government made its
case for war and the failure to uncover evidence that Iraq possessed
any weapons of mass destruction were not within my terms
of reference.
The governments claim in its September 2002 intelligence
dossier that Iraq could deploy weapons of mass destruction within
45 minutes was also not within my terms of reference,
the judge stated.
Having ruled out any consideration of the objective truth of
the case for war, Hutton said that all that need be proved was
that the government and the security services believed their intelligence
to be true at the time. No case could be made refuting such a
claim without examining the mountain of misinformation leading
up to the war and measuring this against what is now known about
Iraqs lack of WMDs. But this would bring into question not
only the actions of the government, but those of the entire state
apparatus and the media which conspired to legitimise a predatory
war of conquest waged by British and US imperialism.
Hutton insisted that the government must be judged to have
acted honestly because it used intelligence that had been accepted
as solid by MI6, MI5, and the Joint Intelligence Committee. And
he rejected any allegation that impugned the integrity
of the JIC, which he described as the most senior body in
the United Kingdom responsible for intelligence.
Hutton found that the government had not embellished the September
dossier and that Campbell and the head of JIC, John Scarlett,
had acted correctly in discussing between them its formulations.
It was not improper for the JIC to take into account suggestions
made by the government to strengthen the dossier. It could not
be ruled out that the desire of the prime minister to make
the dossier as strong as possible may have subconsciously influenced
the JIC to make it stronger than it would have been. Nevertheless
the dossier was consistent with the intelligence available
and had been signed off on by the JIC. It was this body, representing
all the heads of the security services, that had fully approved
the dossiers findings, Hutton said.
He levelled his fire exclusively at the BBC and its reporter
for the Today programme, Andrew Gilligan. Kellys
death on July 18 came after he was named as the source of a report
by Gilligan that there was widespread disquiet within the intelligence
services as to the quality of the governments September
2002 intelligence dossier. In May 2003 Gilligan had said that
his source (Kelly) had said the government had included the 45-minute
claim, probably knowing it to be false, in order to
sex up its dossier, and that Campbell was responsible.
On every issue, Hutton found the BBC at fault and the government
blameless. It was not possible to draw a definite conclusion as
to what Kelly had told Gilligan, Hutton said, and he may have
told him that Campbell was responsible. But, I am satisfied
Dr Kelly did not say the Government probably knew or suspected
the 45-minute claim was wrong before the claim was inserted in
the dossier. He added, the allegation reported by
Mr Gilligan that the government probably knew the claim was wrong
or questionable was unfounded.
The BBC was remiss for not having checked Gilligans
story and responding to the complaints made by Campbell and the
government. Its editorial procedures were defective
and both its managers and governors were at fault.
Kelly was criticised for having spoken to Gilligan and breaching
civil service rules, and was partly responsible for creating a
grave situation.
The government was cleared of any responsibility for Kellys
death and Blair of playing any deceitful, underhand or duplicitous
role in identifying the scientist as a whistleblower.
Hutton was satisfied Kelly took his own life and that no third
party was involved. He was also satisfied that none of those involved
in the events leading up to his death would have believed that
anything they did would lead Kelly to commit suicide.
The decision to name Kelly as the source of Gilligans
reports was judged to be correct, as otherwise the government
could have been accused of a cover-up. Geoff Hoon and the MoD,
for which he is responsible, had behaved properly.
The assault on the BBC is fully in line with the inquirys
purpose. Kellys discussion with Gilligan did reflect disquiet
within the security services, as the reporter had maintained.
Blairs readiness to support the Bush administrations
drive to war had raised considerable concern within sections of
the ruling elite, who feared that he was endangering Britains
own interests by aligning himself too closely with Washingtons
aggressive unilateralist stancethus alienating Europe and
possibly destabilising the Middle East.
Such divisions were troubling for the British ruling class,
particularly because they erupted against a background of massive
and sustained public opposition to war that had seen millions
take to the streets in protest. The danger was that a tactical
dispute within the bourgeoisie might enable the more fundamental
opposition towards war within the working class to find expression.
The Hutton inquiry, therefore, not only diverted attention
from the broader issues under dispute. It was aimed at enforcing
a consensus across the official political spectrum. This was exemplified
by Blairs speech in parliament after the findings were issued,
in which he stressed that differences over war were entirely legitimate
but there should never again be a public questioning of anyones
political motives or personal integrity.
Huttons verdict is meant to serve as a warning that differences
within the ruling class must be contained and that it is time
to close ranks. At one point in his summary he explained that
he had been concerned as to why it had not been possible to resolve
the differences between the BBC and the government and batten
down the hatches.
The BBCs defence of Gilligans story had threatened
to undermine not only the government, but the entire machinery
of the state. Huttons verdict sets out to extract a high
price for this error and to make sure that neither the BBC nor
any other news outlet oversteps the bounds again.
Within two hours of the report being made public Gavyn Davies
resigned as chairman of the BBCs governors. The government
has already made clear that the BBCs charter will be looked
at and that it will be brought under greater official scrutiny.
Blair was clearly well pleased with the inquiry, stating in
parliament that he was immensely grateful to Lord Hutton
and that the report leaves no room for doubt or interpretation.
We accept it in full.
In the short term he may indeed have secured a political victory,
but it will turn out to be pyrrhic. Outside of the rarefied environs
of parliament, Huttons report will convince no one of the
governments innocence of the charge that it led Britain
to war on false pretexts.
The fundamental issueone that affects the lives of millions
of people throughout the worldis that the Iraq war was mounted
on the pretext that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction.
Whatever Hutton says, this claim has been proved to be entirely
false. The 45-minute claim was only one example of a mass of intelligence
that has since been discredited. Lies were told on an almost unprecedented
scale. Yet the only criticism levelled by Lord Hutton is against
the BBC and Gilligan for a news item drawing attention to the
liars and their lies.
It is indicative that Huttons report was leaked to the
Sun newspaper, which is published by the billionaire Rupert
Murdoch. This meant that the first comment made on Hutton came
from the most strident supporter of the war against Iraq and Blairs
alliance with Washington, as was clearly the intention.
The Hutton inquiry is emblematic of a fundamental political
shift that has taken place within Britain. It is not the first
judicial inquiry to exonerate a government. But the brazen and
naked character of the whitewash indicates that there no longer
exists any real commitment to democracy within ruling circles.
Just as in the United States, government is no longer accountable
in any form to the people. Politics has become the exclusive preserve
of a financial oligarchy whose interests are defended by government
and opposition parties alike. To this end all methods are deemed
permissible and no democratic check is considered acceptable.
See Also:
Chief US inspector admits Iraq had no
WMD stockpiles
[28 January 2004]
Britain: Lessons of
the Hutton Inquiry
[24 September 2003]
Britain: Another whitewash
over Iraq
[17 September 2003]
Britain: the political
issues underlying the Hutton Inquiry
[11 August 2003]
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