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WSWS : News
& Analysis : Africa
Rwanda10 years since the genocide
By Linda Slattery
3 May 2004
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On April 7, on a hilltop overlooking Kigali, the capital of
Rwanda, a memorial was unveiled to those who perished 10 years
ago in the genocide. It is estimated that up to 1 million Tutsis
and Hutu oppositionists were slaughtered over a period of 100
days. The memorial consists of a museum that sits atop five concrete
tombs containing hundreds of coffins filled with the grisly remains
of an estimated 250,000 people who were killed around Kigali.
The 10th anniversary of the genocide was accompanied by a row
between the president of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, and the French government,
as well as much cant and hypocrisy by the representatives of the
Western powers. Kagame accused the French of backing the Hutu
government forces that carried out the genocide, while the French
charged Kagames Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), backed by
the United States, with shooting down the presidents planethe
event that signalled the beginning of the genocide.
It was 10 years ago that the United Nations sent in a small
military force of approximately 2,000 soldiers to Rwanda to oversee
the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accords, meant to establish
power-sharing between the Hutu-dominated government and the RPF.
Originally based in Uganda and made up largely of the minority
Tutsis, the RPF had taken over a significant part of the country
and was threatening the capital. Several hundred thousand Hutu
refugees had fled the RPF areas, and the sections of the Hutu
government and military that organised the genocide were whipping
up a frenzy of ethnic hatred. The previous year, tens of thousands,
mainly Hutus, had been slaughtered in neighbouring Burundi in
ethnic conflict.
Rwandas President Juvénal Habyarimana was just
returning from signing the deal in Tanzania accompanied by the
president of Burundi, when a missile hit his plane and it fell
in flames onto the gardens of the presidential palace. The peace
agreement was wrecked, and the mass killings soon began.
On the eve of the genocide, the head of the UN force, Major
General Romeo Dallaire, sent an urgent fax to his bosses at its
office headed by the present secretary general of the UN, Kofi
Annan. In the fax, he warned that mass slaughter was being prepared
against the minority Tutsis and that he needed reinforcements.
He was confident that, with just 5,000 troops under his command,
the catastrophe could be averted. The orders he received in reply
limited his troops to the protection of foreign nationals. After
the murder of 10 Belgian soldiers, the United Kingdom sponsored
a resolution at the UN that led to the withdrawal of all but 270
troops. US ambassador to the UN Madeleine Albright was opposed
to leaving even a skeleton force. Dallaire has written a book
entitled Shake Hands With The Devil, indicting the UN and
the world powers for allowing the genocide to take place. As he
said recently, the slaughter continued for a hundred days
under the full glare of the international community.
Western powers responsible
Most of the discussion on the anniversary of the genocide focuses
on this question: why the UN and the major powers, though aware
of the impending genocide, did nothing to protect the Tutsi minority.
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who was secretary general of the UN
in 1994, tried to relieve himself of any responsibility by saying
in a recent interview that the UN peacekeeping office didnt
pass on Dallaires fax to him, just a report. Anyway, they
got telegrams like this all the time. Citing the debacle
that followed the US intervention in Somalia as a reason why the
US didnt want to intervene in Rwanda, Boutros-Ghali explained
that during the Rwanda crisis the official policy of the US under
President Bill Clinton was that it was not in their interests
to get involved. The US determined that the UN would not intervene
either, as the US contributed 30 percent of its budget.
Somalia notwithstanding, it is a myth that the US refusal to
back UN intervention in Rwanda, and even refusal to accept the
scale of the killings (for a while, the official US position would
not use the term genocide), can be put down to lack
of interest. The US was in fact backing the neighbouring regime
of President Museveni in Uganda, from whose army the RPF originated.
Whilst officially opposing the RPF using Uganda as a base to invade
Rwanda, Museveni tacitly allowed the RPF to build up its forces.
The US was quite happy to stand aside while tens of thousands
were being slaughtered; it let the RPF clear out the Hutu government,
and with it French influence in the area.
Boutros-Ghali also had the temerity to complain that the French
didnt intervene two months earlier at the beginning of the
genocide. But France, which had replaced Belgium after independence
as Rwandas main backer, had officers attached to units of
the Rwandan army to train them. It continued to support and arm
the government during the genocide. As the killing of Tutsis intensified
and the RPF took over Kigali, the French launched an invasion
under the banner of the UN called Operation Turquoise, supposedly
to halt further massacres. The operation provided safe passage
out of Rwanda to the Zaire (Congo) border to hundreds of thousands
of Hutus, including the perpetrators of the genocide. Leading
Hutu military commanders were flown out by the French to bases
in the Central African Republic.
Thus, whilst arguments continue about who was responsible for
shooting down Habyarimanas plane, there can be no doubt
that France and the US were the real powerbrokers in determining
that nearly a million people would die.
Rwanda today
The present secretary general of the UN, Kofi Annan, whilst
expressing many regrets for doing nothing to prevent the genocide,
cynically offers more of the same to prevent it happening againan
early warning system. And to minimise the role played in the tragedy
by the world powers and the UN, he tries to put a fine gloss on
the conditions that exist today in Rwanda. Interviewed recently,
he said, Today Rwanda has much to show the world about confronting
the legacy of the past and tackling the challenge of recovery.
It is demonstrating that it is possible to reach beyond tragedy
and rekindle hope.
This is a lie. It is true that in the last 10 years there have
been no massacres in Rwanda itself. However, ethnically based
militias have continued to operate in neighbouring Burundi and
the Democratic Republic of Congo and have continued mass killings.
Deaths in the Congo war since 1997and much of the fighting
was directly related to the Rwandan genocideare now estimated
to be more than 3 million.
The suggestion that there has been any economic recovery in
Rwanda is also false. There is more underdevelopment and more
poverty in Rwanda (as well as all of sub-Saharan Africa) now than
there was 10 years ago. The continent has been virtually ignored
by foreign capital, accounting for just 1 percent of total world
investment. To make matters worse, the most densely populated
of Africas countries, Rwanda, spends more on debt repayments
to the world banks than it does on health and education The very
conditions that made the genocide possible have burgeoned. Fully
70 percent of all households live below the meagre poverty line,
with 35.7 percent of the population living on less than $1 a day.
It is no wonder that life expectancy is 38.2 years.
Half the adult population cannot read or write, and 400,000
children, or one in three, are out of school. Children have fared
particularly badly as a result of the genocide. In 1994, 300,000
children were murdered and 95,000 left orphaned. Today there are
613,000 orphans between the ages of infancy and 14 years, 7,000
of whom are street children. The number of orphans has risen dramatically
because so many women were raped during the genocide and have
died since of AIDS. Out of a total population of 8 million, a
very high percentage, 50 percent, are under the age of 18, and,
consequently, a very large number of households are headed by
children.
One in five children die before they reach the age of 5, and
42 percent of those under 5 are malnourished. Children die from
such common complaints as diarrhoea, exacerbated by the destruction
of the water and sanitation system. According to Amnesty International,
clean water to rural areas would save 6,000 lives annually.
AIDS was already a big problem in 94, but it is estimated that
since the genocide the incidence has risen to 9 percent of the
population. According to an African Rights report titled
Broken bodies, torn spirits living with genocide, rape and
HIV/AIDS, most females aged between 7 and 71, whether diagnosed
HIV-positive or not, exhibit symptoms of chronic ill health, including
stomach pains, repeated infections, and urinary and gynaecological
complications, as well as skin eruptions.
What cannot be measured is the terrible psychological trauma
suffered by the survivors who either experienced or witnessed
unspeakable horrors. This includes atrocities that young children
were themselves forced to execute. Today in Rwanda, people often
live side-by-side with individuals who butchered their family
members, as most of the Hutus who fled Rwanda following the genocide
have returned home to their communities.
While 80,000 genocide suspects languish in prison in Rwanda,
awaiting trial by community courts, the 200 most serious cases
await trial by the UNs International Criminal Tribunal,
which sits in Arusha, Tanzania. Ten years after it was set up,
this court has produced just 12 convictions and one acquittal.
See Also:
Review of Gil Courtemanches
A Sunday at the Pool in Kigali
[4 November 2003]
Suppressed report
raises question of US role in Rwandan civil war
[23 March 2000]
New evidence
on the role of the US and France: Who is responsible for the genocide
in Rwanda?
[29 April 1998]
Imperialism
and the Rwandan catastrophe
[29 July 1994]
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