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WSWS : News
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Thai military launches bloody anti-terrorist crackdown in
Muslim south
By John Roberts
5 May 2004
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In what appears to be a calculated state massacre on April
28, Thai security forces shot and killed around 112 men, mostly
teenagers, in the countrys southern, predominantly Muslim
provinces. The confrontation signals a major government crackdown
on Islamic separatist groups, which in recent months are reported
to have stepped up their attacks on local officials as well as
the police and army in areas near Thailands border with
Malaysia.
Thai officials claim most of the men were killed after they
attacked 10 police stations and check points in an effort to steal
weapons. The fighting was concentrated in Pattani province where
32 Islamic militants were slaughtered after they took refuge in
a mosque and refused to surrender. Clashes also took place in
neighbouring Sonkha and Yala provinces.
From the accounts provided by locals and human rights organisations,
what took place was little more than a slaughter. Most of those
killed were poorly armed and trained youth who walked into an
ambush prepared by the army and police. Army chief General Chaisit
Shinawatra indicated that the military had been tipped off about
a series of coordinated attacks on police posts and were ready,
waiting for the youth to arrive. Only five members of the security
forces were killed in the encounters.
The bloodiest clash took place at the 425-year-old Krue Sae
mosque in Pattani town, which is regarded by Muslims as one of
the holiest sites in South East Asia. The security forces claim
to have patiently waited for hours for the surrender of the 32
youth before lobbing grenades into the building and killing all
inside. But according to a report on Australian Broadcasting Corporation
(ABC) radio, the army refused an offer by local clerics to mediate.
Other sources confirm the indiscriminate and one-sided character
of the fighting. The New York Times reported that locals
identified the mangled bodies in the mosque as local villagers,
most in their teens. Eighteen were members of the local soccer
team.
Forum Asia, a human rights group, pointed out that only six
firearms were found among the corpses. Forum Asia Chief Gotham
Arya told AFP: Most of the attackers only had machetes and
knives, so surely the well-armed soldiers and police who are trained
to deal with this can handle these people. So why shoot to kill?
The US-based Human Rights Watch also questioned the account
given by security forces. It is unclear whether all of the
dead were armed or involved with the alleged assailants, or if
any unarmed civilians were killed, particularly when security
forces stormed into the Krue Sae mosque, it stated.
Thai national human rights commissioner Wasant Panich announced
that he had witness statements declaring that police had killed
suspected militants who were incapable of fighting back. Human
Rights Watch, the acting UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
Betrand Ramcharan and others have called for a full inquiry.
The comments of army commander Chaisit provide the clearest
indication that the military carried out a cold-blooded massacre
in order to teach Islamic separatists a lesson. I think
now the insurgents will reevaluate their activities, because in
the past we have been the passive side but now we are the active
ones, he told the media. Following last weeks events,
the military has been pouring reinforcements into the area, with
700 more troops arriving in the south on Monday.
In response to the wave of outrage in Thailand and internationally,
Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra attempted to play down the involvement
of Islamic separatists. Despite being on record earlier as blaming
unrest in southern Thailand on Islamic extremists, he declared
those killed last week were drug addicts and criminals. He later
announced that he will visit the south in a bid to appease local
anger.
No group has claimed responsibility for the abortive attacks
but the army and police were in no doubt as to the target of their
trap. National police commander Sunthorn Kraikwan said the militants
killed and captured had the clear intention to stock up
firearms for their separatist operations. General Kitti
Rattanchaya, who is involved in operations in the south, said
the insurgents were part of a terrorist organisation whose aim
was the establishment of an Islamic state.
During the siege of the Krue Sae mosque, those inside used
the public address system to urge their fellow Muslims to join
them. Eyewitness Somprasong Tipyorea told the Los Angeles Times:
They said they were willing to sacrifice their life for
their religion. They were given a chance to surrender, but the
group was ready to die. One of the 17 survivors, arrested
Muslim cleric Mama Matheeyoh, told the media that the insurgents
were fighting for a Muslim state.
Thaksins war on terror
There is a long history of opposition to control by Bangkok
in southern Thailand. The area is home to most of the countrys
six millions Muslims, many of whom are ethnic Malays and thus
form a distinct minority in the countrys largely Buddhist
Thai population. The Thai king annexed the region in 1902 as a
buffer against British Malaya and remains one of the most oppressed
and economically backward areas of the country.
Since Thaksin came to power in 2001, a rising number of attacks
have been attributed to Islamic separatist groups. Their growing
influence has been fuelled in large part by Thaksins heavy-handed
methods and his governments support for Washingtons
so-called war on terrorism. As in other parts of the country,
there is widespread opposition in the south to Bangkoks
decision to send troops to bolster the illegal US-led occupation
of Iraq.
Thaksin has been under pressure from Washington to crack down
on Islamic groups in southern Thailand. In July 2002, he ordered
the military and police to reestablish their disbanded coordination
centre for intelligence and suppression operations in the area.
In August 2003, the alleged Al Qaeda operative and mastermind
of the October 2002 Bali bombing, Nurjaman Riduan Isamuddin, also
known as Hambali, was arrested in the area and promptly handed
over to US intelligence authorities.
A key turning point came in early January when a military base
in Narathiwat province was raided and a cache of arms seized.
Four soldiers were killed in the highly-organised operation during
which 21 public schools were torched to divert from the main target.
In the months that followed, at least 65 people were killed, most
of them security force personnel and government officials. On
March 27, a bomb blast at a bar near the border injured 30 people,
including Malaysian tourists.
In response to the January raid, Thaksin vented his fury at
the army, declaring that the four soldiers killed deserved
to die. He imposed martial law on three of the five southern
provinces and let the security forces loose.
An article on the Asia Times web site commented: If
the military is not careful, droves of peaceful Muslim Thais could
start tacitly supporting the militants, providing the widespread
support they now lack. Disappearances, more than 100 during the
past six months, including high-profile human rights lawyer Somchai
Neelahphajit, aggressive policing and extra-judicial killings
are sorely testing their loyalty.
Commenting on the latest events, Thai political analyst Somphon
Wongchanglaw told the International Herald Tribune: Thaksin
sought to employ the same strategy in his war on drugs in the
south. This only resulted in alienating the Muslim population
even more. His CEO style has engendered an environment where immediate
results are expectedno matter what the cost, legally or
politically.
Thaksins war on drugs in early 2003 involved
the widespread extra-judicial killing of alleged drug dealers
by police. It was a crude attempt to divert attention from growing
economic and social problems by exploiting popular hostility to
drug trafficking. The result was at least 2,274 deaths after government
agencies drew up blacklists. Few people believed police claims
that the murders were the result of inter-gang feuds, not least
of all because there was not a single arrest in any of the cases.
There is also a strong element of diversion in the suppression
of Islamic separatists in the countrys south. Thaksin and
his Thai Rak Thai party won the 2001 elections by playing on deep
resentment over the impact of the economic restructuring program
of his predecessor Chuan Leekpai. Having postured as a defender
of the poor, he then proceeded to implement similar open market
policies. The popular discontent over declining living standards
has been compounded by growing opposition to the war in Iraq.
On Saturday, more than 60,000 people joined the May Day rally
in Bangkok, one of the largest ever, with workers joined for the
first time by rural groups. The rally demanded an end to the governments
privatisation program of electricity, water and other utilities.
For months, workers have been protesting against these measures.
Other demands included a higher minimum wage, more health and
child care centres, protection for the right to organise and the
protection of migrant labour. Significantly, these economic demands
were connected to a call for the withdrawal of Thai troops from
Iraq.
By raising of the spectre of terrorism, the Thaksin government
is creating the climate for the use of the most draconian methods
against any oppositionin the south or elsewhere in the country.
See Also:
Thousands of poor
expelled from Bangkok for APEC summit
[7 October 2003]
Thailand sends troops
to bolster US occupation of Iraq
[1 October 2003]
Thousands dead as
a result of Thailands war on drugs
[9 May 2003]
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