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Washingtons policy of sadism and sexual abuse: excerpts
from Seymour Hershs Chain of Command
By Barry Grey
1 October 2004
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In his valuable book, Chain of Command, published earlier
this month (HarperCollins Publishers), investigative reporter
Seymour Hersh debunks the official myth that the US atrocities
exposed at Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad were the work of a handful
of bad apples among American military police stationed
at the prison. He presents an irrefutable case that the torture
and sexual humiliation inflicted on Iraqi detainees were the result
of policy decisions made at the highest levels of the American
military and civilian command.
Hersh traces the war crimes at Abu Ghraibas well as at
US prisons in Afghanistan and the Guantanamo concentration campto
Secretary of State Donald Rumsfeld and the White House. He provides
damning examples of the sadistic and murderous treatment of terrorist
suspectsthousands of whom were civilians swept up
in indiscriminate roundupsand examines some of the political
and ideological conceptions within the Bush administration and
the US ruling elite as a whole that led to these crimes against
humanity.
The book provides an insight into the policies and methods
that rapidly turned virtually all sections of the Iraqi populationShiite
as well as Sunniagainst the American occupation.
On page 35, for example, Hersh describes a photo from Abu Ghraib
that came into his possession shortly before CBS News broke the
story in April of torture at the prison:
Another image shows that the man, an Iraqi prisoner,
is naked. His hands are clasped behind his neck and he is leaning
against the door to a cell, contorted with terror, as the dogs
bark a few feet away. Other photographs show the dogs straining
at their leashes and snarling at the prisoner. In another, taken
a few minutes later, the Iraqi is lying on the ground, writhing
in pain, with a soldier sitting on top of him, knee pressed to
his back. Blood is streaming from the inmates leg. Another
photograph is a close-up of the naked prisoner, from his waist
to his ankles, lying on the floor. On his right thigh is what
appears to be a bite or a deep scratch. There is another, larger
wound on his left leg, covered in blood.
On pages 42-43, Hersh writes:
A military consultant with close ties to the Special
Operations community told me in the summer of 2004 that he had
been informed that some officers who were serving in Iraq had
filed written complaints about prison abuse before the photographs
were revealed. They were told, he said, that their papers had
to be routed to General Sanchez [at that time the top US commander
in Iraq]. War crimes were committed and no action was taken, he
added, in anger. People were beaten to death. What do you
call it when people are tortured and going to die and the soldiers
know it, but do not treat their injuries? He answered his
own question: Execution.
On the calculated character of these atrocities and their connection
to the racist and colonialist conceptions of top policy-makers
in the Pentagon and the White House, Hersh writes, on pages 38-39:
The notion that Arabs are particularly vulnerable to
sexual humiliation had become a talking point among pro-war Washington
conservatives in the months before the March 2003 invasion of
Iraq. One book that was frequently cited was The Arab Mind,
a study of Arab culture and psychology, first published in 1973,
by Raphael Patai, a cultural anthropologist who taught at, among
other universities, Columbia and Princeton, and who died in 1996.
The book includes a twenty-five-page chapter on Arabs and sex,
depicting sex as a taboo vested with shame and repression...
The Patai book, an academic told me, was the bible
of the neocons on Arab behavior. In their discussions, he
said, two themes emergedone, that Arabs only understand
force and, two, that the biggest weakness of Arabs is shame and
humiliation.
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